Tevgerên Civakî yên Jinan (1)

Tevgerên Civakî yên Jinan – FARANGIS GHADERI

JI FARISÎ: KENANÊ NADO

Puxte: Femînîzm navê komeke tevger û îdeolojiyan e ku armanc dike nirx û baweriyên bavsalarî biguherîne û bo jinan mafên wekhev ên siyasî, aborî, çandî û civakî bi dest bixe. Dîroka femînîzmê dikare di nav sê pêlan de bê dabeşkirin. Pêla yekem di sedsala nozdemîn û destpêka sedsala bîstemîn de bû, a duyem di salên 1960 û 1970yî de bû û a sêyem jî ji 1990î heta vêga berdewam dike. Ev gotar bi kurtî van sê pêlan dide naskirin; li ser teorîsyen û nivîskarên sereke yên her sê pêlan disekine.

Peyvên sereke: Femînîzm, bavsalarî, pêla yekem, pêla duyem, femînîzma frensî.

Destpêk

Her çiqas femînîzmê di dawiya sedsala nozdehemîn de wek tevgereke terefdariya hiqûqî û azadiya jinan dest pê kiribe jî ya rast ew e ku têkoşîna jinan a ji bo başkirina rewşa wan, xwe digihîne demên gelek berê. Berê jin usûlen wek “mêrê kêm” dihat pênasekirin ku heya sedsala hijdehemîn bawerî li ser vê yekê bû; tenê û tenê cinsek li siruştê heye û ew cins jî mêr e. Mesela li gor nêrîna Arîsto jin, parçeyekî winda ji taybetiyên mêraniyê ye. Zanista biyolojiyê jî di vê baweriyê de bû. Çimkî di lêkolînên anatomiyê de yên heya berî sedsala hijdemîn, cudahî di navbera biyolojiya mêr û jinê de qebûl nedikirin û di ser de jî endamê jinaniyê, wek endameke kurt û zeîf a mêraniyê dihesibandin û jin wek “mêrê xesandî” bi nav dikirin. Ev fikra nedîtî, jin wek cinseke ku bê îstîsmarkirin, didan nîşan. Lê belê piştî ku di sedsala hijdehemîn de hin guherîn di zanista biyolojiyê de pêk hatin, bi wê yekê re nedurustbûna vê fikrê jî derkete holê û jin ji aliyê biyolojîk, ji nû ve hatin nasîn. Her çend piştî vê yekê heya radeyekê, nêrîna mêran a li ser jinan guherîbe jî di pratîkê de cudahiyeke berbiçav nehat dîtin. Dirûvê civakê berî pîşesazîbûna civakê jî di rewşeke wisa de bû ku jin hay ji mehrûmiyeta xwe nebûn, çimkî kar û dahênanê di nav jiyana malê de dirûv digirt û jinan bi xwe jî gelek paşê di dahênanê de cihê xwe girtin. Bi pîşesazîbûna civakê û derketina kapîtalîzmê re jiyana kar û jiyana malê ji hev cuda bûn û di encamê de di aboriyê de neqşên mêran rengîntir bûn û jin jî di nav dîwarên malê de zindanî man. Ev mesele, bû sedem ku yekemîn tevgerên îdeolojîk derkevin holê. Di derketin û belavbûna tevgera femînîzmê de ekolên fikrî yên nû wekî rewşenbîrî û kolektîvîzm gelek bi bandor bûn. Serencama esas a ekola femînîstiyê di sala 1929an de bi pirtûka Odeyek Ji Odeyên Xwe[2] Virginia Woolf daye destpêkirin. Woolf di vê pirtûkê de dide zanîn ku mêr, her gav bi çavekî biçûkxistî li jinan dinêrin û ew mêr in ku cihê jinan pênase dikin. Çimkî hemû saziyên siyasî, îqtisadî, civakî û edebî di bin kontrola wan de ne. Ji ber salên sekan ên îqtîsadê û herwiha salên herba duyemîn a cîhanê ku bala mirovahiyê çû ser meseleyên din, belavbûna fikra femînîstiyê di nav civakê de dereng ma. Lê belê ev serencam di sala 1949an de ji aliyê Simon de Beauvoir ve bi çapa pirtûka bi navê Zayenda Duyemîn[3] careke din femînîzm hişyar kir. Ew di wê baweriyê de bû ku civakên rojavayî yên pederşahî wisa dizanin ku kontrol û îdareya wan di destê mêran de ye. Mêran hemû wateyên ku li ser jinê hatine danîn, pênase kirin û di vê pênaseyê de ji jinan re “ewa din”[4] a mêran hat gotin. Li gorî wê divê jin ji bo felata xwe şêwaza civaka pederşahî û mefhûma “ewa din” daynin aliyekî û xwe ji nû ve pênase bikin.

Bi destpêkirina salên 1960î û li gorî kar û barên siyasî û civakî yên wê dewrê, femînîzmê dengên nû peyda kirin û gav bi gav ji qada siyasetê derbasî qada edebiyatê bû. Di salên 1960 û 70yî de rexnegirên femînîst bi şiklekî lêkolînî û vekolînî metnên rojavayî nivîsandin û “ewadinbûn”a jinan di edebiyatê de jî dan rûniştandin. Bi derketina nêrînên edebî yên nû wek binyadgerî, post binyadgerî, dekonstruktîvîzm, post mêtingerî, nêrîna femînîzmê jî cihê xwe girt. Bi gotina Raman Seldon û Peter Widdowson di bîst salên borî de nêrîna ekola femînîstiyê, zêdetir tûşî dijgotinî û tekoşînê bûye. Li gorî wan ev nêrîn li ser rêbazeke muxalif a afirînerî, rexneyî û dijrexneyiya qewî ye û her gav di nav danûstandinekê de bûye. Ji ber vê yekê ev ekol rîwayeteke mezin nîne, belkî rîwayetên biçûk ên bêsînor in ku li ser bingeheke ji hezkirinê û li ser qadeke şênber a çandî-siyasî qewî bûye (Seldon and Widdowson, 1993, 205). Marksîst-femînîst, jinên rengînçerm, femînîzma amerîkî, femînîzma frensî, rexneya femînîstiya psîkanalîtik, dekonstruktîvîzm, jinên reşik, femînîzma homoseksuel hemû parçeyên vê ekolê ne. Ji ber vê yekê nivîsîna gotarekê derbarê vê mijarê de gelek zehmet û nepêkan dixuye. Babeta vê gotarê ew e ku ji serboriyên giştî yên li ser nêrîna ekola femînîstiya modern bigire û bi awayekî kurt ji pêla yekem ango destpêkê û dîsa bi kurtî li ser destkeftiyên eşkere yên pêla duyemîn raweste û biqedîne.

Pêla Yekem

Her çiqas bi giştî nêrîna Mary Wollstonecraft di peydabûn û pêşketina femînîzmê de neyê zanîn jî lê belê li gor baweriya gelek rexnegiran, wê femînîzma modern daye destpêkirin. Ew ku hevsera William Godwin, feylesof û nîvîskarê xwedî tesîr ê serdema înqilaba Fransayê bû, kesa yekem e ku derbarê hiqûqa jinan de pirtûk nivîsî. Parastina Mafê Jinan[5] (1792) di atmosfera herc û merca siyasî û civakî ya înqilaba Franseyê de nivîsiye. Her çiqas ew, ewqas pêş neketibe ku qala dengdayîna jinan bike jî lê belê xwestina perwerdeyeke zêde û azadiyeke madî ji bo wan kiriye. Armanca wê zêdetir çêkirina portreyeke jina çalak, zîrek û xwende bû ku wezîfeya xwe ya yekem a eslî jî ji bîr nekiriye. Piştî navbereke dirêj di ser vê pirtûkê re pirtûka bi navê Bîranîn[6] bi hevserê xwe re hevpar çap kir. Haydariya xwîneran ji tiştên bêexlaqî yên jiyana wê ya şexsî ya binehişî, li ser pejirandina nêrînên wan tesîreke gelek neyînî kir. Pêla yekem a femînîzmê wek tevgereke mayînde û bi armancên şênber ên femînîstiyê di navbera salên 1860 û 1920î de dest pê kir. Têkoşîna tevgerê ji bo bicihanîna bihevrebûna siyasî û hiqûqî bû ku belavbûna dengê vê meseleyê ji bikaranîna mafê dengdayînê ya jinan girtiye û heya hiqûqa qanûnî ya jinên zewicî, wek gotina qanûna telaqê û qeyûmtiya zarokan û bi vê yekê re têkoşîneke mezin a standartên nêromêtiyê yan jî nêrînên cuda yên li ser hereketên zayendî yên mêr û jinê (ji bo mînak rûbirûmayîna bi fahîşeyan re) dihundurîne. Jinên ku xwe bi tevgerê ve girê dabûn, zêdetir ji çîna navîn bûn. herwiha di dawiya hereketa pêla yekemîn de teqrîben ji çaran yekê vê komê ji jinên çîna karker pêk hatibûn û vê meselê tesîreke rasterast li ser daxwazên wan kir. Mînak sedeya jinên karker ên ku di nav tevgerê de bûn û bi pey bicihanîna heqê dengdayînê ketibûn, kêmtir bûn. Teorîsyenên herî girîng ên vê dewrê Virginia Woolf û Simon de Beauvoir bûn, lê belê nivîskara bi navê Doris Lessing jî divê neyê jibîrkirin. Di demeke kurt de her kesek li gor xwe nêrîn û tesîrek hebû.

1-Virginia Woolf

Mary Eagleton di pirtûka Rexnegiriya Edebî ya Femînîzmê[7] (1991) de Woolfê wek “Dayik û bingehsaza babeta hevdem a femînîzmê” bi nav dike. Bi rastî ew wek kesa ku cara yekem herî zêde qal û behsa femînîzmê kiriye, tê hesibandin. Pirtûka wê ya Odeyek Ji Odeyên Xwe (1929) bêguman metneke femînîst ya herî tesîrdar e ku di wê dewrê de hatiye nivîsîn. Wê di vê pirtûka xwe de xwestiye bersiva vê pirsê bide ka çima di tarîxê de hejmara nivîskarên jin ji hejmara nivîskarên mêr kêmtir in? Di nivîskariyê de nebûna serkeftina jinan ne bi delîlê qabîliyeta kêm, belkî ji ber pirsgirêkên civakî yên wek mehrûmiyeta wan a ji saziya perwerdeyê û ji ber rewşa wan a madî û nebûna serbestiya navnîsandina wan a li ser pirtûkan be. Wê pêşengî kir ku ji bo azadiya aborî ya jinan û ji bo qedexeyên şexsî û taybet ên ku li ser wan in, rêyeke çareseriyê bê peydakirin ku jinên xwedî qabiliyet, bikarin temamê potansiyela xwe, ji bo nivîsînê xerc bikin. Wê bi vê yekê re pêşniyaz kir ku her kes qesta nivîsînê bike û li ser zayenda xwe jî bifikire. Lêbelê di heman demê de redkirineke bi zanetî ya li ser femînîstiya wê ew bû ku “duzayendî” ango nêromêtiyê nepejirîne û di navbera her du zayendan de hevsengekê datîne ku ew jî di dawiyê de têk çû.

Woolfê bi xwe di pîrtûka bi navê Sê Guinea[8] (1938) de etîketa “femînîstbûnê” înkar dikir, lê belê di heman gavê de di wê şîroveya xwe ya dirêj û bitefsîlat de projeyên femînîstiyê nîşan dida. Ji daxwazên terikandina îstîsmara li ser jinan û qanûna zewac û telaqê û heta pêşniyaza vekirina fakulteyekê û çapkirina rojnamayekê ji bo jinan.

Wê bawer dikir ku jin cuda dinivîsin, ne ji ber ku tenê jin in, belkî ji ber ku ew xwedî rewşeke civakî ya cuda ne. Li gorî wê, tabûya kelecaniya axaftinê û arezûya jinan dibe asteng ku jin derbarê jiyana xwe de hemû rastiyan dubare bikin. Woolfê bi îdeolojiya serdest a bi navê “jinbûn”ê henekên xwe dikir; wê îdeolojiya ku di teswîreke îdeal de jin wek “firîşteya malê” didît û herwiha ji jinan dixwest ku dilnizm, paqij û sernerm bin û herwiha jinên ku ji bo azadiya xwe têdikoşin jî wek jinên beredayî bên dîtin.

2- Simon de Beauvoir

De Beauvoir femînîsta frensî, hevsera Jean Paul Sartre, dîrektora rojnameya Pirsên Derbarê Feminîstan[9] de bû. Berhema wê ya herî girîng Zayenda Duyem e. Dîroka weşana Zayenda Duyem teqrîben di navbera pêla yekem û duyem de ye. Lê belê ji ber ku ev berhem, bi materyalîzma pêla yekem hat nasîn, binavkirina vê berhemê di pêla yekem de tê tercîhkirin. Ji aliyê din ve ev pirtûk bi şiklên cuda sûdeweriyên nêromêtiyê vedibêje, ji aliyê aborî ve xweseriya jinan dixwaze û herwiha vekolînekê li ser têkiliyên femînîzmê bi nêrînên wê demê yên wek Marksîzm û Psîkolojiyê dike. Zayenda Duyem gelekî deng veda û dema ku çap bû, bi awayekî hovane tûşî hin astengiyan hat û heya demekê di lîsteya pirtûkên qedexekirî de cih girt ta ku di sala 1953yan de li zimanê îngilîzî hat wergerandin û li Amerîka û Îngîlîstanê hat çapkirin. Ev berhem çi bi nêrînên xwe yên xweser çi jî bi yên çêkirî bin, pirtûkeke mezin e. Pirtûk ji du beşan pêk tê; beşa yekem ji şîrove û vekolîna li ser pederşahiyê û beşa duyem jî ji lêkolîneke li ser tecrûbeyên taybet ên jiyana jinan pêk tê. Ew dibêje ku di kitêba pîroz de pênaseya însên bi peyva “mêr” tê pênasekirin ne bi peyva “jin”, ango mêr însan e û jin jî “ewa din” e. Di wê hevoka xwe ya navdar de ku dibêje: “mirov wek jin nayê dinyayê, ew vediguhere û dikeve wî şiklî” nîşan dide ku biyolojî yan jî tebîetê jin neafirandiye, belkî şert û mercên civakî yên serdest ji wî yekî jin çêkiribe. Bi awayekî din pênaseya jinê, ji pênaseyên wê yên civakî, dîrokî, çandî cudatir nîne û di civakeke pederşahî de pênaseyeke bi vî şiklî, bi giştî jinê li gorî mêran di cihekî “din” de dinirxîne. Jin yanî her çi kesa ku ne mêr e. Wek ku Seldon û Widdowson jî neqil dikin; De Beauvoir qanûnçêker, keşîş, feylesof, nivîskar û zanyarên ku heya niha hatine, rexne dike. Çimkî her gav hewl dane ku nîşan bidin dereceya herî kêm a jinê li asîmanê muqedder e an jî sûdmend e (Seldon û Widdowson, 1993, 210).

De Beauvoir dibêje carinan ji me re rihettir e ku em pênaseyên bi vî şiklî qebûl bikin û heta mimkun e carinan em ji vê razî û xweşhal bin jî. Lê belê divê her jinek li dijî pênaseyên bi vî şiklî yên pederşahî raweste û têkoşe. Çimkî azadî ji her tiştî girîngtir e. Li gor nêrîna wê, heger jin bikarin ji pileya tiştbûnê xelas bibin, wê çaxê dê bikarin pergala pederşahiyê jî ji holê rakin. Souzan Watkins bi bîr tîne ku li gor nêrîna De Beauvoir divê têkiliya jin û mêran ji rewşa serdestî û baştirînkesbûnê derkeve û di şûna wê de têkiliyeke ku her du alî jî hakim û xwedî gotin bin çê bibe û divê jin cihê xwe yê bi navê “kesa din a bindest a mêran” ji holê rakin (Watkins, 1985, 14).

3-Doris Lessing

Her çiqas mirov wê wek teorîsyena pêla yekem nehesibîne jî lê belê ew nivîskareke xwedî tesîr bû ku bi kurteçîrokên xwe yên Odeya Nozdehemîn[10] û bi romana xwe ya Defteroka Zêrîn[11] (1962) di tevgera jinan a wê dewrê de parekê digire ser milên xwe. Çîrokên wê yên Odeya Nozdehemîn gelekî dişibin Odeyek ji Odeyên Xwe ya Woolf ku di vê berhemê de careke din hewce dibîne ku qala qedexeyên taybet ên li ser jinan bike ku ev yek di têkçûn, paşdemayîn û şikestina jinan de xwedî rêjeyeke bilind in. Çîrokeke wê derbarê jinekê de ye ku ew di malbateke bextewar de dijî, lê belê hewcedariya wê bi çend saetên vala hene ku ji kar û barên rojane dûr bikeve. Di dawiyê de ji odeyên malê yên mêvanan yeka mezin ji xwe re peyda dike. Lê hêj gelek wext nabore, mêrê wê û zarokên wê bêyî ku ew jin di xema wan de be, çûnûhatina wê odeyê dikin. Herî dawî biryarekê digire û odeyek ji otelên wî bajarî ji xwe re kirê dike da ku bikare azadane û bi xeyaleke rihet li wir bi tena serê xwe bimîne û li ser xwe bifikire û birame. Lê di demeke gelekî kin de ji aliyê mêrê xwe û derdorên wî ve bi xiyanetê tê tohmetkirin.

Pêla Duyem

Betty Friedan di pirtûka xwe ya Raza Jinantiyê[12] de nivîsiye: “Rastî ew e ku ji bo jinên ku piştî sala 1960î hatin dinyayê femînîzm dîrokeke mirî ye. Çimkî femînîzm wek tevgera heyatî ya li Amerîkayê bi destxistina mafê dawî (mafê dengdayînê) bi dawî bû.” Ev tê wê wateyê ku femînîzma nû ya pêla duyem derbasî merheleyeke din bûye ku ew bi temamî ji femînîzma qedîm a pêla yekem cuda ye. Cudahiyên bingehîn ên di navbera her du pêlan de ev in ku pêla yekem li dûv mafê wekheviyê bû, lê armanca eslî ya femînîzma pêla duyem azadiya jinan e. Cudahiya din, femînîzma qedîm ferdî û reformxwaz e, femînîzma nû civakî, terefdarê azadiya jinan, radîkal û şoreşger e. herwiha zêdehiya pêla duyem berevajî pêla yekem ew e ku tevgereke bi temamî eşkere, xwezan û çalak e.

Friedan di sala 1966an de li Amerîkayê Saziya Neteweyî ya Jinan[13] ava kir û daxwazên wê, azadî û wekheviya hiqûqî ya hemwelatîbûnê û çêkirina fersenda wekhev ji bo jinan di beşdarbûna di temamê guherînên civaka wê dewrê yên Amerîkayê de bû. Di kanûna pêşîn a 1967an de vê saziyê yekemîn karê xwe yê mezin, girîng û xwedîtesîr pêk anî. Ev kar berteka mezin a li hember festîvala bedewiyê (Pêşbaziyên hilbijartina keybanûya bedewiyê) bû. Li gor nêrîna sazkarên vê îtîrazê, ev cure festîval her tenê bi awayekî rola ku civakê daye jinan mezin nîşan dide û jinan heyberên kêrnehatî, xweşik, nazik û dûr ji zanîn û siyasetê dihesibînin.

Li Brîtanyayê derketina holê ya pêla duyem heya radeyekê cuda bû. Sala 1960î şahidiya derketina komên wekhevîparêz kir, yek ji cudahiyan jî ew bû ku zêdetir jinên ji çîna karkeran bûn (bi taybetî karkerên karxaneya cilangiyê[14] bûn). Wan di sala 1968an de ji bo wekheviya mehaniya jin û mêran grevek pêk anî. Heya wê kêlîkê têkoşîn ji bo hizûra li civakê û di kar de bû. Piştî ku ev armanc pêk hat û jin jî di kar û dahênanê de xebitîn, karsazan bi awayekî neadil, ji bo saetên mesaiyê yên jin û mêran heqdestên cuda dan wan (heqdestên jinan her ku çû kêmtir bû). Di ber van hemû cudahiyan de di sala 1970yî de yekemîn konferansa neteweyî ya azadiya jinan li Oksfordê pêk hat. Juliet Mitchell yek ji aktîvîstên femînîzma pêla duyem a Brîtanyayê, da zanîn ku her du femînîzmên amerîkî û brîtanyayî xwediyê armancekê ne û ji ber vê jî yek tevger in. Ev konferans ku tê de babetên wek mehaniya wekhev, fersend û derfetên wekhev ji bo perwerdeyê û azadiya ‘girtina zarokan ji ber xwe’ hatin guftûgokirin, bi dawî bû.

Li gorî Sue Thornham ne mimkun e ku mirov para jinên reşik di pêşxistina tevgera azadiya jinan de nehesibîne. Her çiqas wan xwe ji vê tevgerê cuda girtibin jî û wan wisa bawer kiribin ku heya jinên çermspî li dijî nijadperestiyê dernekevin, dê tu tiştekî wan ê hevpar bi wan re tunebe. Lê li Brîtanyayê cudahiyên kêm ên ku hebûn jî ji cudahiyên nijadî zêdetir bûn ku ew jî cudahiyên tebeqeyên çînî bûn. Her çiqas bi tedrîcî jinên tebeqeyên din bi wan re têkilî danîna jî wek min berê jî gotî bingehsazên vê tevgerê jinên karker bûn (Thornham, 1981, 31). Pozîsyona jinên homoseksuel jî di wê dewrê de bi pirsgirêk bû. Ew jî di pozîsyoneke wek jinên reşik de bûn. Li gor nêrîna homoseksuelên radîkal, jineke homoseksuel dê li gorî xwestekên derûniya xwe tev bigeriya û diyarde û qaîdeyên civakê jî li ber çavan negirta, û di dawiyê de digihêjin wê encamê ku azadiya jinan û meseleya homoseksueliyê wek hev in. Her çiqas hin rexnegirên femînîst vê encama han bi rihetî red bikin jî ev meseleya wan di her halî de ne meseleyeke ewqas sade ye ku bi rihetî ji nav derkevin.

Teorîsyenên sazkar ên vê dewrê ji xeynî Betty Friedan, Kate Millet, Shullamith Firestone, femînîstên dekonstruktuvîst ên wek Héléne Cixous, Julia Kristeva û Luce Irigaray jî divê bên gotin ku em ê bi rêzê û bi kurtî û yek bi yek qala kiryar û nêrînên wan bikin û di dawiyê de em ê du bûyerên modern ên wek jinên homoseksuel û jinên çermrengîn bi kurtî bidin nîşan ku veqetîn û dûrketina wan a ji femînîzma heyî pêkan naxuye.

1-Betty Friedan

Friedan yek ji pêşengên pêla duyem e ku di civakê de daxwazên guherînên bingehîn ji bo pênasekirina jinan kiriye. Bi awayekî ku rê û rêbazên ji bo pêşketina şexsiyet û zîrekiya jinan durust bibe, têkoşiyaye. Pirtûka bi navê Raza Jinantiyê ku di sala 1963yan de çap bû, encama vekolîneke pirsnameyan e ku ew pazdeh sal piştî mezûniyeta lîsansê li ser xwendekarên zanîngehê weşandibû. Vê vekolînê şahidiya bêhêvîtiya jinan dikir ku ew wek jinên Amerîkaya Navîn bûn.

Wê navê pirtûka xwe Raza Jinantiyê danî, lewra li gorî wê nirxa herî bilind ji bo jinan jinantiya wan e. Jinantiya ku ewqas veşartî û nêzîkî afirîneriyê û niqteya destpêkê ye ku viyana zanistê tuneye wê fahm bike. Li gorî wê, rêjeya pirsgirêkên jinan bi vî şiklî ye ku ew her gav di şûna ku bedena xwe qebûl bikin, hesûdiyê di mêran de çê dikin û xwe bi wan re qiyas dikin ku encama wê bi şerma cinsî û serdestiya mêran diqede. Wê ji bo bidestxistina mafê azadiyê bawer dikir ku divê jin di sazî û çalakiyên wê demê yên Amerîkayê de xwedîgotin bin. Çimkî wextê ku civaka Amerîkayê ji bo mafê azadiyê gav avêt, jin dikarin bi beşdarbûna vê qadê mafê xwe bi dest bixin.

Wê jî wek De Beauvoir hewl da xwe ku ji bo paşdemayîna wan, wan lomekar bike. Lê belê di pirtûka xwe ya din Merheleya Duyem[15] (1949) de tenê ne radîkal bû, her wiha bi tundî piştevanî li navendbûna malbatê û têkoşîna ji bo parastina wê dikir.

2-Kate Millet

Berevajî Friedan, Millet ji nifşê femînîstên radîkal bû. Berhema wê ya girîng Siyasetnasiya Zayendî[16] (1970) karekî gewre yê teorîk bû û di wê çaxê de gelekî bi nav û deng bû. Li gorî gotina hin rexnegiran navdartirîn û bitesîrtirîn berhema vê dewrê bû. Seldon û Widdowson li ser nêrîna wê fikrên xwe wiha tînin ziman ku li gorî baweriya Millet fêrkariya îdeolojîk ya ku bi newekheviya aborî pêk tê, sedema stemkariya li ser jinan e (Seldon û Widdowson, 1993, 214).

Girîngtirîn tesîra pirtûka wê li ser du têgehan çêbû ku ew jî “siyasetnasiya cinsî” û “pederşahî” ne. Wê, wateya pederşahiyê wek wate û mefhûma wê ya ewil dihesiband ku ew jî wiha dihat pênasekirin; fermanrewayekî nêr ê mezin ê di nav malbatê de yê ku zilma mêran a li ser jinê normalîze dike. Li gor nêrîna wê “pederşahî” hewcedarî bi lêvenêrîneke esasî ya wek sazûmeneke siyasî heye. Milet jî wek zanyarên zanista civakî di navbera “cins” û “cinsiyet”ê de cudatiyê dipejirîne. “Cins” têgeheke biyolojîk e û “cinsiyet” jî têgeheke civakî û psîkolojîk e. Li gorî wê li ser sifetên mêrane û jinane bi giştî lihevhatinek heye. Mînak mêr li derekê dikarin aştîxwaz û jin jî şerxwaz bin.

Wê jî wek De Beauvoir bawer dikir ku jin, îdeolojiya jintiyê û mefhûma xwebiçûkdîtinê di binehişiya xwe de vedişêrin û tevgera wan a li ser vê esasê wek newekheviya têkiliya serdestî û bindestiyê ye ku Millet ji vê re dibêje “Siyasetnasiya Cinsî”. Wê bi vê nêrîna xwe bi gelemperî hin metnên edebî yên cuda kom kirin û ji bo van metnan ji aliyê şiklî û nirx û peymanên edebî ve di nav mêran de anketek çê kir. Li gor nêrîna wê, nivîskarên mêr di gotin û tevgerên xwe de her gav xwedî armanceke mêrane ne û bi awayekî wisa xîtabî muxatabê xwe dikin qaşo hemû muxatabên wan wek ku mêr bin tevdigerin. Ji bo xwînerên jin îhtimaleke wiha heye; dibe ku bêyî hemdê xwe hevpariya wê nêrîna pederşahî bikin û cinsiyeta xwe ji bîr bikin û wek mêrekî metnê bixwînin. Millet muxalifeke hişk a Frued û nêrîna wî bû. Mîsal Karakaplan di gotarekê de rexneyekê li Millet digire: “Femînîzma Tundrew û Edebiyat: Fikariya derbarê siyasetnasiya cinsî ya Millet de”[17] dibêje ku Millet ji aliyekî ve bi temamî Freud şaş dinirxîne û siyasetnasiya xwe ya cinsî jî zelaltir dihesibîne (Seldon û Widdowson, 1993, 216).

Sue Thornham, pesnê Millet dide ku ew berevajî Friedan û De Beauvoir zêde ji şermokebûna jinan gilî û gazincan nake. Li gor nêrîna Millet, serkeftina xuyayî ya jinan di rastiya wê de mirov dikare wek “tebeqeyeke vebestî” vebêje. Ew jî wek kesên din ên ku di eynî tebeqeyê de ne (mîna koleyan) dahatûya xwe di bindestiya xwediyê xwe de dibînin (Thornham, 1981, 37). Ji ber vê yekê, wê bi awayekî zahf rastbîn pejirand ku hêviya bidestxistina azadiyê ji bo tebeqeya bindest bi rê û rêbazên radîkal, pir zehmet dixuye. Heta heya wê radeyê ku wêrekiya fikirîna tiştekî wisa jî nahêle. Bi tenê karê ku dikarî bianiya cih, bidestxistina agahiyan û xwenasîn bû û ew jî ji bo hewla xwenasînê têkoşa.

3- Shullamith Firestone

Firestone di pirtûka Diyalektîka Cinsî[18] (1970) de li ser wê baweriyê bû ku di dîroka hukumraniyê de serdestiya nêrtiyê ya herî kevn û zext bûye. Li gor nêrîna wê ev serdestî ji cudatiyên biyolojîk pêk tên ku tê de senifandinên cinsî hene. Ew ku ji teorîsyenên femînîzma marksîst e û dibêje ku analîzên marksîzmê yên li ser çînê bi dîroka mêtingeriya aborî ya jinan ve girêdayî ye.

Ew û marksîst-femînîstên din vegotina yekem a Woolf teqdîr dikin ku digot; şertên hewce yên nivîsandina berhemên edebî ji bo mêran û jinan, li gorî rewşa wan a aborî, cuda ye. Fireston ji bo bidestxistina azadiya jinan modela marksîst dipejirand ku li gorî wê hewcedariya azadiya jinan bi “şoreşa çînên jêrîn (li vir ji bo jinan) û bidestxistina kontrola dahênanê” heye. Profîla ku ew ji utopyaya femînîstiyê dide nîşan, zêdetir şêwazeke radîkal e. Di vê utopyaya femînîst de teknolojiya dahêner, ciyawazîbûna zayendî ku ew jî encama cudahiyên biyolojîk e, ji holê radike. Ev yek jî bi xwe re hemû saziyên çandî, civakî wek malbat, zewac û mefhûma dayiktiyê bê deng dihêle ku li gorî wê ev mefhûmên han ji pêkarên nîşankirin û bihêzkirina ciyawazîbûna zayendê ne. Lê belê marksîzm-femînîzmê jî vê gavê dewrana pêla xwe piştguh kiriye.

4-Femînîzma Frensî yan jî Dekonstruktuvîzm (Kristeva, Cixous û Irigaray)

Bi gelemperî ev koma femînîstan wek femînîstên frensî tên binavkirin. Ji ber ku ev navdanîn, hin pirsgirêkan dihewîne lewma gotina femînîzma dekonstruktuvîst tê tercîhkirin. Ji van her sê kesan tu kes di eslê xwe de ne frensî ye; Kristeva li Bûlgarîstanê hatiye dinê, Cixous li Cezayîrê hatiye dinê û Irigaray jî belçîkî ye. Xala hevpar a her sê kesan ew e ku bi neyekrengbûna mefhûmên wek netewe, cinsiyet û nasnameyê bawer dikin.

Femînîzma frensî di rewş û atmosfera siyasî ya piştî şoreşa xwendekarên zanîngehê de derket holê. Şoreşa xwendekarên zanîngehê yên Parîsê di meha Gulana 1968an de heya ku hikûmet hat rûxandin dewam kir û di encamê de şikestina xwendekarên keç ên zanîngehê çêbû ku vê yekê ew xistin nav kiryarên xizmetguzariya qedîm û xwe di bin xizmetkariya kuran de dîtin. Di havîna 1968an de yekemîn koma jinên bingehsaz çêbû û tevgera xwe bi awayekî eşkere ji komên reformxwaz ên din cuda kirin.

Di serî de femînîzma frensî ji ya amerîkî ji wî aliyî ve cihê bû ku wê jî ji nêrînên psîkolojîk (bi taybetî nêrîna Lacan) ji aliyê hin vegotin û îzahatan ve sûd wergirt. Wan gotina De Beauvoir a ku jinan wek “ewa din” a mêran dihesiband, dişopandin û li dûv hin rêyan bûn ku tê de ziman, çand û zayendeke cuda ava bikin. Ziman navenda sereke ya van teorîsyenan bû. Seldon û Widdowson ji du aliyan ve ziman ji bo wan teorîsyenan girîng dibînin. Yekem wek hikûmetan ku di ziman de hin klîşeyan ava dikin û duyem bi sûdwergirtina ji van klîşeyan, bikarin edebiyateke felatbexş biafirînin ku zimanê wan “ji aliyê şênber ve jinane” be (Seldon û Widdowson, 1993, 222).

Gotinên wan bi heman awayî di bin tesîra psîkanalîza Lacan de bû û bi taybetî xebatên nû yên Lacan ên li ser teoriya Freud. Bi vî awayî li dijî dijminên di navbera femînîstan û Freud de bi ser ketin. Freud bawer dikir ku keçika zarok bi dîtina endamê mêrane, mêbûna xwe fêhm dike çimkî ji wê endamê bêpar e. Ew xwe bi awayekî nexweş pênase dike û duçarê “hesûdiya aletê mêrane”[19] dibe. Di jinan de hesûdiya aletê mêrane tiştekî giştî ye û ji bo wan “kompleksa xesandinê”[20] ye. Ev gotin dibe sedem ku ew xwe ne wek zayendeke musbet û serbixwe belkî “mirovên kêm”[21] dizanin. Ernest Jones yekemîn kes bû ku nêrîna Freud wek “nêrşahî”[22] bi nav kir. Lê belê Lacan ev mesele bi awayekî din dinirxand. Li gorî wî “aletê mêrane”[23] an jî “nêrtî” li gorî Freud bûyereke derûnnasiyê nîne, belkî mefhûmeke sembolîk e. Ew ku di nêrînên xwe de ji zimannasiya binyadger alîkarî digire, Freud her çiqas bibêje binyada vê yekê qerîzeya nehişyar û alozbûn e jî ew wisa bawer dike ku binyada vê, nehişyariyeke birêkûpêk û teşeparêzî ye û bi zimanê çêkirî dê şikil bigire.

Li gor nêrîna wî nehişyarî di heman gavê de bi kêrî fêrbûna zimanî jî tê. Lacan duyemîn merheleya geşedana zarokan wek “merheleya neynikê”[24] bi nav dike. Heya vê merheleyê di hişê zarokan de mefhûm û teswîrekê derbarê wan de tuneye, lê di vê merheleyê de bi dîtina teswîra xwe di neynikê de cureyekî nasnameya xeyalî peyda dike. Piştî vê yekê zarok derbasî qada zimanê sembolîk dibin “tertîbeke sembolîk”.[25] Di vê merheleyê de ew li dûv fêrbûna ziman in. Ew ziman bi rêbazeke li ser dijayetiya dualî fêr dibin (wek mêr/jin an jî spî/reş). Di vê dijayetiya dualî de mefhûmên mêrane her gav li ser mefhûmên jinane raser in (Di dualîteyan de her gav peyva yekem heye). Lacan vê raseriyê wek “Qanûna Bavtiyê”[26] bi nav dike ku nîşaneya vê yekê bi aletê mêrane ve girê daye. Li gor nêrîna Lacan ev cihê bavî di asta qanûndaner de dibe ku ne ji randimaneke raser a dahênanê be belkî bi tenê yek ji peyamên zimanê birêkûpêk be.

Ji bilî Lacan nêrînên Derrida jî gelekî bi tesîr bûn. Derrida di wê baweriyê de bû ku wate ne tiştekî sabît û statîk e û em nikarin wateya peyvekê bi awayekî teqez eşkere bikin, û ew gihîşt vê encamê ku dijayetiyên dualî ji aliyê girîngiya xwe ve sabît û sermedî nînin. Çimkî hin caran diqewime ku dijayetî bi xwe jî rêkûpêkiya xwe li nav hev bixe. Bi vî şiklî Derrida bawer dikir ku dijminên jinan bi rêya gotinê karê xwe dikin. Ji ber vê yekê gotinê wek “nêregotinnavendî”[27] bi nav dike.

Bi awayên cuda Kristeva, Cixous û Irigaray li dûv çêkirina nasnameyek, ziman û nivîsên jinane bûn ku “tertîba sembolîk” û “qanûna bavtiyê” veguherînin awayekî dekonstruktuvîst.

Julia Kristeva

Berhema herî girîng a Kristeva Şoreşa di Zimanê Helbestê de[28] (1974) ye. Di vê berhemê de ew lêkolînekê li ser vê proseyê dike ku ew tiştên li gorî aqil û birêkûpêkiyê tên pejirandin, her gav li hemberî geflêxwarina “newekhevî” û “derveyî aqil” bûnê de ne. Seldon û Widdowson nêrînên wê li dûv beşa nêrînên postbinyadgeriyê tînin û vedibêjin ku li gor nêrîna Kristeva mirov pêşî fezayî bûn ku kaşûkêşên hişkî û şilavî bi awayekî guncav di wan de hebûn. Ev ceryana kaşûkêşê, gav bi gav bi pêwendiyên malbatî û civakî (fêrkariya serdema tifilbûnê, nasnameya cinsî, ciyawaziya qedexeyên giştî û taybet û nêrînên wan) bi rêk û pêk dibe. Di merheleya yekemîn de merheleya semiyotîk[29] e ku heman merhele texeyula Lacan e, ceryana kaşûkêşê di hêza dayikbûnê de cih digire û destûr nade ku şexsiyetên xwedî qaîde derkevin holê. Di vê merheleyê de bi tenê heya derekê, organên bedenê û têkiliyên wan bi hev re peyda dibin. Ceryaneke bêpergal ji tevger, hereket, deng, giranî û ahengên berî vebûna zimanî, sîstema malzemeyên sembolîk tîne holê ku ew di bin kiryara zimanî de dikemile û di mezinan de mayînde dibe.

Kristeva merheleya li dûv wê wek “welatê sembolîk” dibîne ku ferdan bi welatên wan ve pêwendîdar dike û vê derfetê dide destê wan da ku bibin xwediyê nasnameyekê. Ji ber vê yekê derfeta ciyawazkirina civakê bi rêbazeke din a dûrxistina ji gotinên serdestîparêz ve çêdibe. Ev kar di zimanên wek zimanê dînan, nexweşên psîkolojîk û zimanê helbestvanan de ji ber ku dûrî aqil tê dîtin, mimkûn e ku bê pejirandin. Ji ber vê yekê Kristeva bi zimanê helbestî ji xwe ve diçe. Ew tişta ku nêrîna binehişî di lêgerîna wê de ye, zimanê helbestî di çarçoveya pergala civakî û tiştên pê re têkildar de derdixîne holê.

Kristeva di navbera sîstema li ser jinan û komên din ên ji tiştekî nayên hesibandin an jî tên îstîsmarkirin diçe û tê, û cudahiyeke berbiçav nîne û wisa difikire ku divê tevgera femînîzmê “şiklekî ji anarşîzmê” derxîne holê ku bi gotinên jixwerazî di nav de cihê xwe bigire û tenê bi anarşîzmê serdestiyeke nêregotinnavendî bi dawî dibe.

Héléne Cixous

Cixous, nivîskareke afirîner e ku li ser meseleyên jinantiyê qalibê gotina “nivîsa jinane” nedurust dibîne. Ew di rîsaleya xwe ya bi navê Bişirîna Medûsa[30] de ji jinan dixwaze ku dengê xwe di metnên xwe yên nivîskî de biguherînin. Wê li dijî çanda pederşahî ku dengê jinan qut dike, gavek avêt û got: “Şerm e ku me wek cismeke ji xwe dûr dibînin û dixwazin hînî me bikin ku em, wan kesên nadîde bihesibînin.” Wê mefhûma jinê di nav nivîsên fermanwarî de dixwend, nivîsên ku laşê jinan ji wan dûr dixîne û dihêle. “Xwe bi xwe binivîse, divê dengê te bê bihîstin, lê belê di rewşeke wisa de ku çavkaniyên sermedî (abadî) bê xeber bikevin nav coş û xiroşê. Ez hebûna xwe ji arezûyên teze diafirînim… gelek caran hîs dikim, wek hebûneke ku ji nûra xwe bikarim kulîlk vedim – kulîlkvedaneke bi awayekî ji wan tiştên ku di qalibên xwe de gelek xweşiktir cih digirin.”

Li gor nêrîna Cixous bi sansura laşî, jiyan û gotin jî tên sansurkirin. Divê li ser rêya azadiyê têkoşîn hebe; “Jin bêyî laşê xwe kor û lal e û nikare baş têkoşe.” Divê jin laşên xwe bi tenê di nivîsan de nebînin. Divê hewl bidin xwe da ku dora axaftinê jî ji mêran bistînin. Cixous henekê xwe bi mantiqa mêran dike ku ew hêl û herêmên jinan wek parzemîneke reş dibînin û bi wêrekî ne tenê wan red dike, heta dibêje: “Erê em reş in, reşikên wek li Afrîkayê, lê reşahiyên xweşik!” Cixous bi awayekî hêvîdar û xweşbîn li dahatûyê dinêre û dibêje dîrokeke nû li ber hatinê ye ku ji bo mêran ewqas ne xweş be.

Luce Irigaray

Irigaray di pirtûka bi navê Baldariya derbarê Jinên Din de (1974) de hewl dide ku pergaleke felsefeya rûniştî ji bo pergala pederşahî peyda bike ku ew her gav di hewla qewitandina jinan de bûne. Li gor nêrîna wê di seranserê dîroka felsefeya Rojavayê de, ji Eflatûn bigire heya Hegel, jin hatine qewitandin û jibîrkirin. Ew di têkiliya ziman û cinsiyetê de mîna Cixous û Kristeva tev digere. Bi vê yekê re rewac û terefdariya “ewadinbûnê” tundrawî û şehvaniyeta jinan e ku li gor nêrîna wê nasnameya jinan dişibîne nasnameyeke ku xwe zêde dike û guherbar e û potansiyelekê ji bo bingehdanîna “tertîba sembolîk” a jinantiyê dide nîşan ku ev ji vegotinên cuda yên jinan pêk tê. Jin her gav mecbûr mane ku zayenda xwe veşêrin û vê careke din tesîreke kûr li ser azadîxwaziya wan çêkiriye. Wê bi redkirina nêrîna Freud ku dibêje jin li gor esasa kêmasiyan xwe pênase dikin (hesûdiya aletê mêrane), bi rexneyên tundraw endamê jinantiyê ji endamê mêrantiyê hêjatir û mezintir dibîne.

Ew herwiha dide nîşan ku ji cihên ku jin bi temasê jê tahm digirin, nivîsên jinan ên ku bi herikîn û temasê ve têkildar in û li dijî hemû mefhûmên tesbîtkirî derdikeve û hewl dide ku wan nêrînan hemû têk bibe.

Jinên Homoseksuel

Monique Wittig, femînîsta homoseksuel a frensî, bêjeya jinê red dike. Çimkî ev bêje ji aliyê civakê ve hatiye çêkirin û ev tabîr jineke homoseksuel di nav xwe de nahebîne. Ew gotina “Jina Homeseksuel” tercîh dike. Lewra gotinên curbicur nasnemaya cinsî îstîsmar nake û herwiha destûr dide jinan ku navên xwe bi xwe hilbijêrin û xwe ji nû ve pênase bikin.

Ji salên 1975an şûn de di navbera femînîstên radîkal de meyleke homoseksueliya siyasî dest pê kir ku li gor vê esasê “nehomoseksuelîbûn” wek kevneşopeke heyî şahidiyeke din a îstîsmara li ser jinan e. Li gor nêrîna wan femînîstên heyî homoseksuel bi xwe ne. Lewra ew jinan wek şirîkên cinsê xwe dizanin û ji zordestiya cinsî ya mêran, cîhanê û îdeolojiyê dûr digirin. Rexnegir û teorîsyenên homoseksuel ên ku li ser nêrîna femînîstiyê xwedî tesîr in ji van kesan pêk tên:

-Mary Dally ku di berhema xwe ya bi navê Jin/Ekolojî[31] (1978) de bi alîkariya vegotinên babetên li ser tecawiza cinsî seranserê dîroka serdestiya cinsî ya mêran radixe ber çavan û pêşengiya jinan dike ku bi îstîfadekirina ji “Bêjeyên nû û jinane” efsane û gotinên nêrane qedexe bikin.

-Adrienne Rich helbestnûs û teorîsyen, di gotara xwe de bi navê “Nehomoseksueliya Zordarî û Bedena Jinên Homoseksuel” (1980) îspat dike ku her çiqas jin bikarin bi homoseksuelîbûnê di çarçoveya “jina ku bi jinantiya xwe hatiye nasîn” de cih bigirin jî ev hêza tecawizkar çandeke pederşahiyê ye ku homoseksueliya fitrî ya jinan bê qaîde û tertîb nîşan dide.19

Jinên Reşik û Çermrengîn

Li gor nêrîna Seldon û Widdowson femînîstên reşik gelek salên dirêj li ser meseleyên nasnameyê mijûl bûn ku di van meseleyan de nijad û cinsiyet ji aliyê îstîsmarê ve pergalên têkildar in. Nijad, li gor dahênanên bi cinsiyetê re têkildar, bingehên ji hev cuda saz dike. Ji ber wê yekê “nasnameyên curbicur” xala hevpar a di navbera jinên çermrengîn û reşik de ye (Seldon and Widdowson, 1993, 232).

Alice Walker teorîsyena herî baş a femînîzma jinên reşik, bêjeya “Jinewarî” di şûna “femînîzma reşik” de bi kar tîne û li gor vê yekê hewl dide ku têgihiştina me ya li ser bêjenasiya nijadî veguherîne rengekî nû. Bi heman awayî xwepêvegirêdana kevneşopên çandî (Çîrok û Kilam) bi armanca pergalên wek “edebiyatnasî”ya femînîzma Asyayî û reşik, şayesandinên hunera payebilind a rojavayê li nav hev bixin û herwiha gotinên ku bi giştî ji hev cuda ne, wek xelatekê bidin jinan ku femînîzma rojavayî jî dê bikare gelek daxwazên xwe jê fêr bibe.

Bi heman şiklî dema ku hûn lê dinêrin tevgera femînîzmê çawa ku di serî de navê wê hat bihîstin wisa jî bû qada dijayetî, muxalefet û têkoşînê. Ev nêrîn li hemberî muxalefetên afirînerî, rexneyî û dijrexneyî bi hêz û qewî ye ku her gav di xirecirê de ye. Ev tevger têkoşer û şoreşger e ku li gor nêrîna rexnegirên wek Seldon û Widdowson ev rewş nîşaneya lezgînî û ezameta ekolên rexneyî yên femînîstiyê ye û hem jî şahidiya alî û terefeke winda ya şênber e.

[1] Ev nivîs di kovara Zrêbarê de hatiye weşandin, hej. 60 (Payiz), 2006, Merîwan.

[2] A Rooms of One’s Own

[3] Le Deuxième Sexe

[4] The other

[5] A Vindication of the Rights of Women

[6] Memoir

[7] Feminist Literary Criticism

[8] Three Guineas

[9] Questions féministes (later Nouvelles Questions Féministes)

[10] To Room Nineteen: Collected Stories

[11] The Golden Notebook

[12] The Feminine Mystique

[13] National Organization for Women (NOW)

[14] Cilangî: Tekstîl (nîşeya Zaremayê)

[15] Second Stage

[16] Sexual Politics

[17] Radical Feminism an Literature: Rethinking Millets Sexual Politic”

[18] The Dialectic of Sex

[19] Penis-envy

[20] Casteration Complex

[21] Homes manques

[22] Phallocentric

[23] Phallus

[24] Mirror Stage

[25] Symbolic Order

[26] Law of the Father

[27] Phallogocentrism

[28] La Révolution du Language Poétique

[29] Semiotic

[30] The Laugh of the Medusa

[31] Gyn/Ecology

ÇAVKANÎ

Bressler, Charles. (1994). Literary Criticism: An Introduction to Theory and Practice. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Cixous, Helen. (1981). The Laugh of the Medusa. New French Feminism: An Anthology. I. De Courtivron and E. Marks (Eds.). Brighton: Harvester Press. Eagleton, Mary. (1991). Feminist Literary Criticism. London: Longman.

Gamble, Sarah. (1981). The Routledge Companion to Feminism and Post-Feminism. New York Routledge.

Green, Keith and Lebiham, Jill. (1997). Critical Theory and Practice: A Coursebook. New York: Routledge.

Humm, Maggie. (1989). The Dictionary of Feminist Theory. London: Harvester.

Kaplan, Cora. (1991). Radical Feminism and Literature: Rethinking Millets Sexual Politic. In Feminist Literary Criticism. Mary Eagleton (Ed.). London: Longman. 157-170.

Seldon, Raman and Widdowson, Peter. (1993). A Readers Guide to Contemporary Literary Theory. London: Harvester.

Sellers, Susan (ed.). (1991). Feminist Criticsim: Theory and Practice. Hamel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf.

Showalter, Elaine. (1985). The New Feminism Criticism: Essay on Women, Literature and Theory. New York: Pantheon.

Thornham, Sue. (1981). Second Wave Feminism: The Routledge Companion to Feminism and Post-feminism. (29-42). New York: Routledge.

Watkins, Susan. (1985). Twentieth-Century Women Novelists. New York: Palgrave.

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