Destpêka Şanoyê li Başûrê Kurdistanê

Destpêka Şanoyê li Başûrê Kurdistanê

Mahroo Raşidîrostamî – Ji îngilîzî: Fexriya Adsay

Kurte

Mijara vê nivîsê destpêka şanoya di şêweyê rojavayî ya li başûrê Kurdistanê ye. Nivîs rave dike ku li Kurdistanê dîroka şanoyê bi dîroka perwerdehiyê ve girêdayî ye. Ji ber çend sedemên sosyopolîtîk li Silêmaniyê derket û geş bû. Silêmanî di bin rêvebiriya Babanan de dîrokek wê xwe-îdarekirinê hebû û lewma karakterekî kurd î cuda pê re çêbûbû ku ew kir navenda çalakiyên netewperweriya kurdî. A din, li Tirkiyeyê qedexekirina ziman û çanda kurdî kir ku gelek rewşenbîr û esilzadeyên kurd ên ji Silêmaniyê vegerin malbajarê xwe ku ji bo wan ciyekî pir bêlebat û westar (inertia) bû. Yek ji gavên rewşenbîrên wek Pîremêrd avêt ku vê rewşê biguherînin, ji bo pêşxistina perwerdehî û xwendin-nivîsandinê avakirina dibistanan bû. Şano bû amraza kaniya aborî ya dibistanan û bo xwendevanên feqîr. Pîremêrd ku ji bo alîkariya aborî hin lîstikên kurdî yên ewil nivîsandine, girîngiya şanoyê ya bo neteweyê wisa destnîşan dikir ku ew dikare him şaheserên wêjeyî yên neteweyekê derxe ser dikê û wan pîroz bike û him ji bo perwerdehiya zarokên wê jî dikare piştgiriya aborî peyda bike. Lîstika wî Mem û zîn ji bo daxwaza perwerdehiya giştî bû ku dikarîbû rêya geşbûna Kurdistanê veke. Ew bû yek ji lîstikên ewil ên serkeftî ku li Kurdistanê hatin îcrakirin. vê nîşan da ku zimanê kurdî dikare bibe amraza şanoyê çawa ku Mem û zîna Xanî jî îspat kiribû ku kurdî dikare bibe zimanê helbesta epîk.

Xebatên rojavayî yên li ser şanoyê hilberandina şanoyê wek deq-navendî û nivîskar-ajotî qebûl kirine. Dîroknasên şano û performansê gelemperî li ser kevneşopa şanoya Ewrûpayê ku delîlên wê bi awayê deqên nivîskî an di nav bermayiyên arkeolojîk de peyda dibûn, hûr bûne, herwiha li gelek deverên dinyayê ku performans (raberî) bi xwe wek “deq”ek girîng û performansger jî wek nivîskarên birûmet hatine qebûlkirin, di ser re hatiye qevaztin.[i] Lê, di salên 1980an de ev bi hilatina qada Xebatên Performansê û qebûlkirina wê ku şanoya ewrûpî di nav spektrûmeke fireh a çalakiyên çandî de tenê awayekî îfadekirinê ye, guherî.[ii] Yek ji pêşbîniyên derheqê Xebatên Performansê yên herî girîng û bingehîn ev e ku “her tişt dikare ‘wek’ performans bê terîfkirin”[iii] Ev terîf tê wê wateyê ku ji rîtuel, lîstik, spor, şahiyên populer bigre heta şano, dans û muzîk û heta performansên jiyana rojane jî dikare bibe mijara Xebatên Performansê.

Di dawiya sedsala 20.de zêdebûna elaqeya bo performansa nav çandên derveyî Ewrûpayê rê li ber lêkolînên derbarê kevneşopên performans û şanoyê yên li Latîn Emerîka, Efrîka û Asya, herî dawî jî li welatên Ereb vekir. Şanoya li Rojhilata Navîn ji aliyê lêkolînerên şanoyê yên rojavayî dihate îhmalkirin ji ber ku wan digotin qey nîşandayîna laşê mirov û herwiha şano wek pûtperestî tê qebûlkirin û lewma di Îslamiyetê de qedexekirî ye. Her ku kevneşopên dewlemend ên şano û performansê yên herêmê bêtir bala lêkolîneran dikşîne, ev pêşbîniya besîtker jî hêdî hêdî winda dibe. Berhemên Badawî û Sadgrove[iv] ên li ser dramaya erebî, taybetî li Misrê, Theatres of Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia ya Amine û Carlson û cildên Routledge World Encyclopedia of Contemporary Drama mînakên qebûldîtina kevneşopên şanoyê yên li welatên misilman in.

Wek deverên din ên li Rojhilata Navîn li Kurdistanê, gelekî beriya ku sedsala 20. şêwaza şanoya ewrûpî bê naskirin, curbicuriyek fireh a çalakiyên performansê hebû. Ev kevneşopên performansê yên kevn xwe nedispêrî deqên nivîskî û lewma ji aliyê dîroknasên kurd ên klasîk ên şanogeriyê ku destpêka şanoya kurdî ancax dibirin serê sedsala 20. , biçûk hatiye dîtin an hatiye îhmalkirin.[v]

Li Kurdistanê beriya hatina şanoya ewrûpî yek ji mînakên kevneşopiya kurdî ya performansê Mîr Mîran an Mihrîcana Mîrê Şaş e. Ev performansa gelêrî ku pir dişibe Mihrîcana Xêvikan (Feast of Fools) a li Ewrûpaya serdema navîn, li başûr û rojhilatê Kurdistanê di destpêka biharê, Newrozê, de dihate îcrakirin. Li başûrê Kurdistanê mînakeke nîspeten baş-belgekirî ya vê mihricanê a sala 1920an li Silêmaniyê ye. Thomas Bois (1900-1975), rojhilatnasê frensî, li gor neqilkirina Tewfîq Wehbî “qernewal”a Mîrê Şaş wisa teswîr dike:

Amadekarî tê spartin bo lijneyeke taybet û di wê roja diyarkirî de xelkê Silêmaniyê ji bajêr derdikevin diçin ciyê ku rêwresim wê lê pêk bê. Qralek diçe ser text û nedîm û pasevan bo wî tên tayînkirin. ‘Qral’ wek ku li ser kerekî rûne li ser gayekî rûdine û dîwana wî û birek mirov refaqatî wî dikin, diçin ciyê çadir û dîwan lê hatine danîn û sîtil li ser êgir in. Kesên ketine dilqê mih û bizinan, bi dirêjiya şahiyê ku sê rojan didome, rola van heywanan dilîzin. “Qral” bêyî ku kes lê bipirse tê îtaatkirin; heta ew bacê jî li xelkê dibire, li wir bin ne li wir bin. Ew heta ku saleke din xelefî wî tê tayînkirin xwediyê vê unwanê ye.[vi]

Ji bo vê mîhricanê qonaxên qraliyetê dihatin avakirin û kolanên Silêmaniyê dihatin xemilandin û xelk li ser kolanan disekinîn ku qralê xwe yî nû bibînin. Qral li Serçinarê, ku pêncî kanî digihêjin hev û dibe çemê ku di Silêmaniyê re derbas dibe, li ser text rûdine. Li wir, bi destûra qrêl gelek cure lîstik dest pê dikin. Enwer Begî Tofîq Beg, parêzgerê Silêmaniyê yê wê demê hakimiyeta qrêl tesdîq dikir ji bilî azadkirina xulaman û kuştina mirovan. Henekpêkirina qrêl û nenaskirina desthilatdariya wî an guhnedana fermanên wî, asta wan her çi be dihate cezakirin. Wek mînak, carekê efserekî siyasî yê brîtanî, xwedê giravî ew Serdar E. B. Soane bûye, ji ber vexwarina alkolê bi pêncsed Rûpî hatiye cezakirin.[vii]

Ewrehman Xame qralê dawîn ên van mîhrîcanan bû ku di sala 1922yan de ji aliyê Brîtanyayê hate qedexekirin. Li gor Hewramî, Xame di hevpeyvînekê de dupat kiribû ku hakimiyeta wî ne rol e û ew tenê lîstikeke ji bo xapandina mêtingerên brîtanî ye.[viii] Zêde wext derbas nebû ku cidiyeta hakimiyeta qrêl fam bikin û lewma dawî lê anîn. Îhtimal heye ku girtina du îngilîzan jî rêvebirên brîtanî lê sor kiribe. Li gor Hewramî, piştî ku du îngilîz di rêwresmê de keniyane, hatine girtin û ancax piştî ku tezmînata bêrûmetiya li hakimiyeta Xame dane, hatine azadkirin.[ix] Mêtingerên ku nikaribûne li cezayê ji destê xwecihan tehemul bikin, divê ji ber vê enirî bin.

Li gor Fetah, mêtingerên brîtanî ku ji mesafeyekê li ser hespê li lîstik û performansan temaşe dikirin, temsîlkirina qrêl a di van performansan de guncav nedîtin û ew ne tenê li Silêmaniyê lê li hemû herêma kurdan qedexe kirin. Lê vê yekê dawî li mîhrîcana Mîrê Şaş neanî. Di navbera 1927 û 1930î de, li Qeladizê, bakurê Silêmaniyê, mîhrîcan pêk hat û Bekir Qeseb, beriya ku bi darê zorê dawî li hukimdariya wî bê anîn, çil rojî hukim ajot.[x]

Wek ku Amine û Carlson destnîşan dikin, qedexekirina mîhrîcanên herêmî ji aliyê mêtingerên ewrûpî dibe ku ji ber binyada wan a qernewalesk û satîrîk be. Li gor wan, bi fikrên xwe yî derheqê şanoyê de ku xwe dispêrin kevneşopa ewrûpî, ewrûpiyan bi îhtimala herî baş ev çalakî wek adetên ecêb lê bêqîmet didîtin û îhtimala herî xirab jî, ew “qadeke ji bo îfadekirina hestên tehrîbkar û dijmêtingerî wek tiştekî jirêderketî û kirinên newelatperwer nirxandin.”[xi] Herwiha, helwesta mêtinger a li hemberî van kevneşopên performansê ya biçûkdîtin bû an wek li Kurdistanê li qernewala Mîrê Şaş kirin, qedexekirina wan bû.[xii]

Hewramî dibêje ku li Kurdistanê peydabûna dramayê tavilê piştî qedexekirina mîhrîcana kevneşopî ya biharê dest pê kir, ev tê wê wateyê ku dramaya kurdî ji ber pêdiviya lîstina li civakekê ku şêwaza xwe ya şanogeriyê ya kevneşopî ji ber daxwaza mêtingeran winda kiribû, peyda bûye. Windakirina mîhrîcana kurdî ya kevneşopî dibe ku bandor li ser qebûla şanogeriya li Kurdistana salên 1920an de kiribe. Lê ger ne ji ber sedemên li jêr bûya, li Kurdistanê wê şanogerî peyda nebûya:

A yekem, şano li Silêmaniya ku di dîrokê de bi bazar, rê, mizgeft, dibistan û kerwansarayên xwe ku bi piştgiriya rêvebirên wê hatibûn çêkirin, ji aliyê çandî û civakî navendeke enerjîk bû, dest pê kir.[xiii] Duyem, li başûrê Kurdistanê Silêmanî ciyê herî zêde neteweyî bû. A dawîn lê pir girîng, di salên 1920an de piştî ku ziman û çanda kurdî li Tirkiyeyê hate qedexekirin, vegera rewşenbîr û esilzadeyên kurdan ji Stenbolê di vejîna jiyana çandî ya li başûrê Kurdistanê de roleke mezin lîst.

Ji ber gelek salên xwe-rêvebiriyê ya bi rêya xanedana Baban, Silêmaniyê hesta kurdayetiyê geş kir ku piştre li Kurdistanê rêya peydabûn û geşbûna şanoyê vekir. Wek Edmonds diyar dike, li Silêmaniyê baweriyek mayînde ku bajar bizirê dewleteke kurdan a vejiyayî û berfireh dihewîne, ku paytextê wê bajarê ew ê bixwe be, her tim di geranê de bû û xuyayê vê “şexsiyetek” dida bajêr, ew qas xurt bû ku kêm kurd dikarîbû li hember vê bandora xurt bisekine.[xiv]

Di dawiya 1920an de Silêmanî şexsiyeteke berbiçav afirandibû; ew ji vir diyar e ku li Kurdistanê ew tekane bajar bû ku bi awayekî eşkere serdestiya ereb-iraqî red kiribû û bi her awayî daxilbûna nav serweriya Iraqê red kiribû.[xv] Silêmanî tev li referandûma sala 1921ê de a ji bo diyarkirina qralbûna Faysel jî nebû.[xvi] Dema mandatiya Brîtanyayê de wek tekane bajarê dagirkirî di bin berpirsiyariya parêzgerekî kurd de[xvii] kurdî kir zimanê rêvebirî û perwerdehiyê.[xviii] Parêzgerê Silêmaniyê Şêx Mehmûd Berzencî xwe wek hukimdarê hemû Kurdistanê îlan kir û serxwebûna ji Iraqê daxwaz kir. Digel ku serhildana wî hate perçiqandin, neteweperwerên li Silêmaniyê, beriya Brîtanya di Peymana Lozanê de soza xwe bixwe ji bo naskirina serxwebûna Kurdistanê hewlên xwe domandin.[xix] Li Kurdistanê beriya her derê Silêmanî bû mazûbana çîneke nû a ciwanên xwedî-perwerde û neteweperwerên kurdî yên bajarî ku wê piştre komên neteweperwer ên çepgir wek Komeley Brayetî, Darkar û Hîwa ava bikirana.

Piştî Peymana Lozanê (1923)

Li başûrê Kurdistanê ku wek herêmeke bi kurdbûna xwe qebûl dîtibû, gelek esilzadeyên ji Silêmaniyê ku li Tirkiyeyê tev li çalakiyên kurdewar bûbûn ji Stenbolê vegeriyan malbajarê xwe da ku ji ceza xelas bibin. Hin ji wan li Iraqê hatin mewqiyên bilind. Ji wan rewşenbîrên ku vegeriyan Silêmaniyê Hacî Tofîq Pîremêrd (1867-1950), Ismaîl Heqî Baban (1876-1913), Refîq Hilmî (1898-1960) û Emîn Zekî Beg (1880-1948) tevî hin kesên din komeleyek bo pêşxistina xwendin-nivîsandin û perwerdehiyê li Kurdistanê ava kirin. Komeley Zanistî Kurdan ku li Silêmaniyê di sala 1926an de hate damezrandin ne tenê di perwerdehiya gel de lê di pêşketina huner û wêjeyê de jî roleke pêşengî lîst.[xx]

Bijareyên xwedî-perwerde ku vegeriyan Silêmaniyê pir eleqe dîtin û di geşedanên siyasî û çandî yên li herêmê de cî girtin. Salih Zekî Beg, Refîq Hilmî û Pîremêrd mînakên vê beşdarbûna bijarteyan a bo karên kurdewarî ne. Salih Zekî Beg ji malbateke Silêmanî ya naskirî, Sahibqiranan bû. Malbat ji Ehmed Begê Sahipqiran dihat ku kurê wî Mehmûd Serfermandarê hêzên çekdar ên mîrektiya Baban bû. Endamên naskirî yên vê malbatê helbestvan “Kurdî” û “Salim”, û Ehmed Begî Fettah Beg û Adîle Xanim bû. Salih Zekî Beg bixwe heta sala 1921ê di artêşa Osmanî de albay bû. Ew tev li tevgera Şêx Mehmûd bû û bû serfermandarê Hêzên Çekdar ên Neteweyî. Piştî pelçiqandina serhildana Şêx Mehmûd, Salih Zekî hat sirgunkirin bo Bexdayê ku di navbera salên 1925 û 1926an de li wir kovareke wêjeyî, çandî û civakî bi navê Dîyarî Kurdistan derxist. Ev li Iraqê yekem rojnameya kurdî bû ku bireng hate çapkirin.

Refîq Hilmiyê ku li Kerkukê hatibû dinyayê şexsiyetekî kurd î naskirî yê çandî û siyasî bû û serkêşê partiya Hîwayê bû. Li Stenbolê endezyarî xwendibû û di salên 1920an de vegeriyabû Silêmaniyê ku di jiyana siyasî û çandî ya bajêr de xwediyê roleke çalak bû. Ji ber çawaniyên wî yên nadîde û hostetiya wî ya warê gelek zimanan de wek kurdî, farisî, tirkî, îngilîzî û frensî, ew bûbû hevalê nêz ê Şêx Mehmûd ku navê Refîq Hilmî, Rewşenbîr, li wî kiribû.

Helbet li Kurdistanê ji bo sê dehsaleyan şexsiyetê herî girîng û yekta Pîremêrd bû. Rola ku Pîremêrd lîstiye ji bo şanoya kurdî pir taybet e ji ber ku li başûrê Kurdistanê yekem car wî lîstik çap kirin, bixwe lîstik nivîsand û yekem kes bû ku şano bi pêş ve xist û nivîsên rexneyî li ser nivîsand. Lewma, jiyana wî û serkeftinên wî bi hûrguliyên zêdetir wê bê qalkirin.

Komeley Zanistî Kurdan

Damezrandina Komeley Zanistî Kurdan êwirek girîng bû ku Pîremêrd û rewşenbîrên din li hemberî paşverûbûna perwerdehiya welatê xwe dane destpêkirin. Ew vê rewşê di helbestek xwe de ku ji bo civakê hêviyên mezin ên Pîremêrd nîşan dide, pîroz kiriye:

ئه مشه و گوڵی ئومێدی وه ته نمان ئه پشکوێ ئه مشه و گوڵی ئومێدی وه ته نمان ئه پشکوێ

ئه مشه و گوڵی ئومێدی وه ته نمان ئه پشکوێ

)”(Î“şÎeşvevkukluîlkîlakahêhvêivyiyaanneteetwewaameevveeddibibee“”() )”Îşev kulîlka hêviya netewa me vedibe“(

)”Îşev kulîlka hêviya netewa me vedibe“(

میلله ت ئۆمێدواره به زانستی پێشکه وێ میلله ت ئۆمێدواره به زانستی پێشکه وێ

میلله ت ئۆمێدواره به زانستی پێشکه وێ )”Netewe hêvîdar e bi riya Zanistî bi pêş keve“(

)”(N“NeteetweweehhêêvvîdîdaarreebbiirriyêyaaZZaannisitsîtîbbiippêêşşkkeevvee“”() )”Netewe hêvîdar e bi riya Zanistî bi pêş keve“(

زانستییه سه ویه ی میلله ت بڵند ئه کا زانستییه سه ویه ی میلله ت بڵند ئه کا

زانستییه سه ویه ی میلله ت بڵند ئه کا

)”Zanistî netewê bi pêş dixe“( )”Zanistî netewê bi pêş dixe“( (“Zanistî netewê bi pêş dixe”) )”Zanistî netewê bi pêş dixe“(

)”Ew Zanistî ye ku dikare me bi Ewrûpayê bide naskirin“( )”Ew Zanistî ye ku dikare me bi Ewrûpayê bide naskirin“(

زانستییه که ئێمه بناسێت به ئه وروپا زانستییه که ئێمه بناسێت به ئه وروپا

)”Ew Zanistî ye ku dikare me bi Ewrûpayê bide naskirin“(

زانستییه که ئێمه بناسێت به ئه وروپا

)”Îşev kulîlka hêviya netewa me vedibe“(

میلله ت ئۆمێدواره به زانستی پێشکه وێ )”Netewe hêvîdar e bi riya Zanistî bi pêş keve“(

زانستییه سه ویه ی میلله ت بڵند ئه کا )”Zanistî netewê bi pêş dixe“[xxi]( زانستییه که ئێمه بناسێت به ئه وروپا (“Ew Zanistî ye ku dikare me bi Ewrûpayê bide naskirin”)

)”Ew Zanistî ye ku dikare me bi Ewrûpayê bide naskirin“(

Zanistî bi rêya çapkirina rojname, werger û berhevkirina pirtûkên dersê, vekirina dibistan û pirtûkxaneyan, şandina xwendevanan bo welatên pêşketî û bi semîner û dersan ronîkirina gel, li Kurdistanê ji bo pêşxistina perwerdehî û xwendin-nivîsandinê hate damezrandin. Nivîskar, helbestvan û rewşenbîrên bajêr di xizmeta Zanistî de bûn ku ji aliyê piraniya gel jî hate piştgirîkirin.

Yek ji awayên ku Zanistîyê dest bi tevgera xwe ya rewşenbîriyê kir bi rêya şanoyê bû: Ne tenê ji bo xatirê şanoyê, lê bêtir ji bo Zanistîyê pere bidin hevdu. Di salên 1920an de, komek mamosteyên kurd ku li Bexdayê xwendibûn şanoyên bi erebî û tirkî ku wê demê li Bexdayê dihate îcrakirin, nas kirin. Ev koma xortan piraniya wan cara yekem wek xwendevanên zanîngehê li Bexdayê rastî dramayê hatibûn û bi lîstikan elaqeder bûbûn. Bi hewlên hin ji wan mamosteyan wek Mehmûd Cewdet, Mistefa Saîb, Salih Qeftan û Fuad Reşîd Bekir tevgera şanoyê li Kurdistanê dest pê kir.

Bekir yek ji wan mamosteyan bû ku, di 18 saliya xwe de, Dibistana Mamosteyan a Bexdayê ku li wir endamekî çalak ê koma dibistanê ya şanoyê bû, xelas kiriye (1923-1958). Bi vegera Kurdistanê, Bekir li Silêmaniyê lîstika yekem a kurdî derxist ser dikê. Ev lîstik bi navê Îlm û Cehl bû, ku ji aliyê Bekir bi xwe hatibû nivîsandin û wî derhêneriya wê kiribû, adaptasyona lîstikeke ku ji aliyê kumpanyaya Misrî George Abyadê li Bexdayê sala 1926an de hatibû îcrakirin. Piştre di nav heman salê de, Bekir derhêneriya Îlm û Cehlê kir ku ji aliyê xwendevanên wî ji bo sê rojan li mala Nehiye Xana jina Şêx Mehmûd Berzencî hate îcrakirin. Lîstik li ser du birayan e, yek ji wan tiral e, ê din zîrek e û jiyana wan paralelî fabila Ezop a gêrik û çirçirkê didome lê cudatiyek wê heye, di dawiyê de ê zîrek birayê xwe ji rewşa zehmet xelas dike. Performans bi du hîcwên komîk berdewam kir, yek ji wan li ser xizmetkarekî jîr û kone û a din li ser mamosteyekî bû ku Bekir bi xwe dilîst.

Bilêt bi sê bihayên cuda hatin firotin, bi sê, pênc û deh rûpiyan bûn ku tenê ji aliyê eşrafê bajêr hatin stendin ji ber ku li gor Tenya, beşdarbûna performansê dihate wateya derfeta hevdîtinê.[xxii] Wek di rojnameya Jiyanê de jî nivîsandiye, kara lîstikê dane xwendevanên dibistanê. Lewma, lîstika yekem a bi kurdî piranî ji bo tebeqeya jorîn hatiye îcrakirin da ku ji bo zarokên dibistanê pere bê hevdan û herwiha li bajarê Silêmaniyê xwendin-nivîsandin bê pêşxistin.

Nêron an Zulmî Qeyser Nêron lîstikek din e ku ji aliyê “Kumpanyaya George Abyad” li Bexdayê hatibû pêşkêşkirin û piştre ji aliyê Bekir hatiye adaptekirin. Di 1926an de li Silêmaniyê du rojan hate lîstin. Li gor agahiya ku Pîremêrd di Jiyanê de dide, xuya ye lîstik zilma împeretorê romayî û rûxandina wî ya bi destê “welatperwerên romayî” dişayesîne ku li gor Pîremêrd “neteweya xwe rizgar dikin”[xxiii]. Kara lîstike dîsa di nav keç û kurên dibistanê de hatiye parvekirin. Vê performansê gelekî bala rewşenbîrên dewra xwe kişandiye. Yek ji wan di nivîseke rojnameya Jiyanê de gotiye, “ev huner bandoreke wê mezin li ser exlaqê neteweyê, adetên welêt û hişmendiya kesan heye… Şano ev kesên ku vîrusê despotî û dîktatoriyê bi wan re heye, derseke exlaqî dide wan û xizmeta bibîrxistina dîrokê dike.”[xxiv] Li başûrê Kurdistanê ev bûye yekem nivîsa rexnegiriya şanoyê.

Li Silêmaniyê yekem dibistana bo keçan di sala 1926an de vebû. Di pêşketina neteweyê de ev wek gaveke mezin hate qebûlkirin. Pîremêrd ê ku Dibistana Zanistî bo kuran vekiribû û bi rê ve dibir, li Silêmaniyê di damezrandina yekem dibistana bo keçan de jî roleke pêşengî lîst. Di nivîs û helbestên xwe de tenê perwerdekirina jinan nediparast, li hember zewicandinên bi zorê jî derdiket. “Bi salan e em dibêjin ku ger jin bi mêran re wekhev bê qebûlkirin û ger jin ji bo perwerdehiyê baş bixebitin ji mêran kêm namînin…” Ji bo zewaceke baş lazim e keç mêrê ku wê pê re bizewice hilbijêre. Ew qas pê de diçe ku pêşniyaz dike “ew bavên ku keçên xwe bi zorê dizewicînin divê bên ricimkirin.” Ger jin di hilbijartina mêrê xwe de azad be, wê derdê me yî hevberdanê ku ji bo mêran ev pir hêsan e, çênebe (26-28).

Di 1930î de, li Silêmaniyê çar sal piştî vebûna dibistana keçan, mamosteyên dibistanê Gozîde Xanim Yamulkî û Fatima Mehyeddîn ji dibistana kuran û performansa wan a Nêronê îlham girtin û ji bo xwendevanên xwe lîstikek nivîsandin ku îcra bikin. Ji helbestvanê kurd Şêx Nurî Şêx Salih (1896-1958) jî daxwaz kirin ku ji bo wan bi ristikan lîstikekê binivîsîne. Di lîstika navê wê Dayik de ku wî ji bo keçan nivîsand, rexne li bawerî û teb’ên şaş digirt ku dibû sedem jin ji xwendin-nivîsandinê û perwerdehiyê bêpar bimînin. Ev lîstik tevî lîstika Gozîde Xanimê ji aliyê xwendevanên wê li dibistanê sê rojan hate lîstin. Lîstika Gozîde Xanimê Însan Ewe Eyçinê Ewe Edirwêtewe bû ku bo keçan girîngiya perwerdehiyê dupat dikir, wek ku Îlm û Cehlê çend sal berê kiribû.

Di salên 1930î de jî Komeleya Kurd a Wêjeyê ji bo piştgiriya dibistanên kurdî performansa şanoyê car bi car bi kar anî. Di nav lîstikên ji aliyê komeleyê hatin sehnekirin Dildarî û Peymanperwerî (1933) ya Hewrî (1915-1978), û Serbazî Aza (1935) hebû. A ewil serpêhatiyek evînî bû ku ji bo xortên kurd bizanin di evînê de sadaqet û di “berzkirina welatên wan î hejar”[xxv] de yekîtiya malbatê girîng e, hatibû nivîsandin. A duyem, di Jiyanê de hatibû tesdîqkirin ku di hişê xortên kurd de taybetiyên mêrxasî û wêrektiyê berz dikir, ku ger rojeke wisa bê, bikaribin bi kêfxweşî xwe ji bo welatê xwe fida bikin.[xxvi] Ev ji aliyê Pîremêrd ve hatiye nivîsandin ku li Kurdistanê bûbû yekem rexnegirê şanoyê.

Mem û Zîn û destpêka şanoya kurdî

Pîremêrd lîstika yekem a çapkirî Mem û Zîn jî nivîsand a ku vedigere sala 1934an. Vê lîstikê, xwe dispart destana kurdî ya navdar a bi heman navî, di sala 1935an de ji aliyê Komeleya Kurd a Wêjeyê hate sehnekirin da ku ji bo dibistana ku ji aliyê Komeleyê dihat rêvebirin pere bê hevdan. Pîremêrd îcrakirina vê lîstikê li Kurdistanê wek kêlîka yekem a şanoya cidî qebûl dikir.[xxvii]

Mem û Zîn ku xwe dispart destana kevn a kurdî û ji aliyê lîstikvan-xwendevanên perwerdekirî hate lîstin di Eyda Remezanê de çar rojan li ser dikê ma.

Ev girîng e ku li Kurdistanê “yekem kêlîka şanoya cidî” bingeha xwe ji Mem û Zînê girtibû, destana sedsala 17. ku di lîteratura neteweperweriyê de yek ji deqên herî zêde dibe mewzûbehîs. Ev serpêhatiya trajîk a evînî, ji aliyê Ehmedê Xanî (1650-1707) ve hatiye nivîsandin, feyza xwe yek ji çîrokên lîteratura kurdî ya devkî girtiye ku di nav kurdên kurmancîaxêv de herî zêde naskirî ye.[xxviii] Wersiyona Xanî ji kevneşopa devkî cuda ye ji ber ku dema wî adaptasyona xwe Mem û Zîn nivîsand, di hişê wî de armancek siyasî hebû.

Armanca wî, wek ku ew bixwe di destpêka mesnewiya xwe de destnîşan dike, di kurdî de kevneşopeke wêjeyî bide destpêkirin da ku bi cîranên dora xwe, faris, tirk û ereban re reqabet bike. Rastiya ku Xanî destana xwe bi kurdî lê ne bi zimanê wêjeyî yê serdest, farisî nenivîsand tê wê wateyê ku digel xwendevanên wê kêm in jî bi zanebûn zimanê kurdî hilbijartiye da ku “di çavê cîranên kurdan de statuya çanda kurdî berz bike.”[xxix] Wî kurdî hilbijartiye ku:

Da xelq-i nebêjitin ku Ekrad Bê merifet in, bê esl û binyad Enwaê milel xwedan kitêb in Kurmanc-i tenê di bê hesêb in

Xanî bawer dikir ku kurd bi serê xwe xwedî taybetiyên miletekî mezin in, lê ji yekîtiyê bêpar in û ev nahêle ew bibin xwediyê desthilatdariya xwe ku bikarin çand û zimanê kurdî vejînin. Herwiha Pîremêrd jî ji kapasîteya neteweya xwe ya pêşketinê bawer bû ger ku nebe qurbana zordariya axayên feodal û rejîma wan, lê bibin xwedî rêvebirên ku piştevaniya perwerdehiya giştî bikin. Ew di wê baweriyê de bû ku perwerdekirina girseyan ji bo kurdan û Kurdistanê mifteya dahatûyeke baştir e. Ev bûbû sedema damezrandina Komeleya Kurd a Wêjeyê.

Mem û Zîna Pîremêrd dema şaredariyê budçeya komeleyê, ku sed û pêncî rupî bû, qutkirin hate nivîsandin û rêvebirên komeleyê di nav pêdiwiyeke acîl de bû ku bo komeleya xwe pere peyda bikin.[xxx] Piştre hatiniya performansê di rojnameya Jiyanê de di bin sernavê “Em Hesab Didin Neteweya Xwe” bi hûrgilî hate weşandin. Li gor Pîremêrd, Mem û Zîn xebateke neteweyî bû ku bi rêya pîrozkirina şahesera wê ya wêjeyî û bi peydakirina piştevaniya aborî bo perwerdehiya zarokan xizmeta berjewendiyên neteweyê dikir. Beriya sehnekirina lîstikê Pîremêrd wisa nivîsandibû, “Her kî ku vê vexwendinê red bike ew ji berpirsiyara neteweyî bêpar e.”[xxxi]

Strohmeier destnîşan dike ku Mem û Zîna Xanî marîpişta wê baweriyê bû ku kurd neteweyeke xwedî kapasîteya gihiştina asta bilind a medeniyetê ye û xwedî zimanekî ye ku dikare wêjeyeke xurt jê derkeve.[xxxii] Herwiha Mem û Zîna Pîremêrd daxwazek bû perwerdehiya giştî ku dikare rê li ber geşbûna Kurdistanê veke. Wê lîstikê piştrast kir ku zimanê kurdî dikare bibe amraza şanoyê û bi heman awayî Mem û Zîna Xanî jî piştrast kiribû ku kurdî dikare bibe amraza helbesta epîk, yek ji lîstikên herî serkeftî bû ku li Kurdistanê hatine îcrakirin.

Divê ev bê destnîşankirin ku di mînakên ewil ên şanoyê de, xwendevanên kurd him rola zilaman him a jinan dilîstin, ji ber ku bo keçan li ciyê performansê xwe teşhîrkirin wê eyb bûya. Di lîstika Mem û Zînê de rola Zînê lîstikvanekî mêr bi navê Şêx Nurî Şêx Celal lîstibû ku berê jî di çend performansan de di rola jinan de bû. Wek gelek civakên din ên bavsalarî, civaka kurd jî di wê dewrê de sîstemeke hişk a zayenda civakî hebû û mêrên ku wek jinan tevdigeriya biçûk didîtin. Şêx Celal û lîstikvanên din ên ku di rola xizmetkara Zînê de bûn marûzî henek û qerfên xelkê dihatin û kostumê jinan qebûl nedikirin.

Lîstika piştî vê ya Pîremêrd Şerîf Hemewend (1936) bû ku bingeha xwe ji serpêhatiyeke dîrokî digirt ku lehengê wê wek Machbet ji ber hirsa xwe ya bo desthilatdariyê li Silêmaniyê bi mîrektiya Baban re ketibû nav şer; tevgereke bêhiş ku bûbû sedema kuştina wî. Şerîf Hemewend di sala 1936an de hate sehnekirin, dîsa ji bo piştgiriya aborî ya dibistanên kurdî. Ji Mem û Zînê cuda, tu kopiyên vê lîstikê ne çapkirî ne jî destxet nemaye.

Ev du lîstik, li Silêmaniyê ku berê kumpanyayên ereb ên şanoyê car bi car lîstik îcra kiribûn, destpêka şanoyeke kurdî ya musteqîl nîşan dide. Di sala 1923yan de, Bişara Wakim (1890-1949), derhêner û lîstikvanê misrî li bajar û bajarokên cuda yên Kurdistanê çendîn lîstik derxistibû ser dikê. Haqqi al-Shibli (1913-1985), lîstikvan û derhênerekî iraqî, di 1929 û 1932yan de hatibû Hewlêr û Silêmaniyê. Di hatina xwe ya ewil de di sê, di hatina xwe ya duyem de jî di heşt lîstikan de him lîstibû him derhêneriya wan kiribû, her du caran jî Selahiddînî Eyyûbî hatibû sehnekirin.[xxxiii] Fatma Ruşdiya misrî û koma wê ya şanoyê jî sala 1934an de hatibû Hewlêrê û An-Nasr is-Saqeer (serfiraziya demkurt) sehne kiribû; balkêş e, rola lehengê mêr jî ji aliyê Fatmayê bi xwe dihate lîstin.[xxxiv] Dema mandatiya Brîtanyayê ya li Iraqê çend kumpanyayên şanoyê yên brîtanî û hindî jî lîstin[xxxv] û li gor nûçeyên ku di rojnameya Jiyanê de hatibû weşandin, xuya ye ew di sala 1927an de jî hatine Kurdistanê.[xxxvi] Lê, li gor Pîremêrd, “ji ber ku serpêhatiyên wan ne derheqê vî welatî de bûn û ji ber ku her kes bi zimanê wan nedipeyivî”, dema ku xortên kurd Mem û Zîn û çîrokên din ên kurdî derxistin ser dikê, raya giştî ya kurdan hê ancax eleqeyeke xurt bo şanoyê nîşan dan.[xxxvii]

[i] Zarrilli, P. et al. (2013). Theatre Histories: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. NY : Routledge, pp. xx-3.

[ii] Amine K. and Carlson M. (2012). The Theatres of Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia: Performance Traditions of the Maghreb. NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

[iii] Schechner, R. (2002). Performance Studies: an introduction. London and NY: Routledge, pp. 1-2.

[iv] Badawi, M. M. (1987). Modern Arabic Drama in Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; (1988). Early Arabic Drama. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; (2006). “Arabic Drama Since the Thirties” in Modern Arabic Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Sadgrove, P. (2007). The Egyptian Theatre in the Nineteenth Century 1799-1882. Reading: Ithaca Press.

[v] Hemû dîrokên şanoya kurdî ku wê di beşa din de bên qalkirin dîrokên klasîk ên şanogeriyê ne ku li Kurdistanê peydabûna şanoya bi şêwaza ewrûpî li herêmê wek destpêka vê hunerê qebûl dikin.

[vi] Bois, T. (1966). The Kurds. Wer. ji frensî M. W. M. Welland. Beirut: Khayats, r. 68. 7 Tenya, b.n.b. r. 47.

[vii]

[viii] Hewramî, H. K. (2001). Dramay Kurdî Le Naw Dramay Jîhanda (“Dramaya Kurdî û di nav Dramaya Cîhanê de ciyê wê) r. 296.

[ix] B.n.b.

[x] Ne diyar e ku ji aliyê kê û ji ber çi. Bnr.; Teymûr, b.n.b.

[xi] Amine û Carlson, b.n.b., r. 52.

[xii] Di beşa din de ez ê vegerim ser vê xalê.

[xiii] Hewramî, b.n.b., r. 294.

[xiv] Edmonds, 59.

[xv] McDowall, D. (1996). A Modern History of the Kurds. London: I.B. Tauris. r. 158.

[xvi] Jwaideh, r. 187.

[xvii] B.n.b., r. 155-156.

[xviii] Edmonds, C. J. (1968) “The Kurdish War in Iraq: the Constitutional Background” in The World Today, London: Chatham House, r. 512-520, r. 513.

[xix] Ji bo hûrgiliyên serhildana Şêx Mehmûd Berzencî, bnr. Jwaideh, W. (2006). The Kurdish Nationalist Movement: Its Origins and Development. NY: Syracuse University, r. 160-203.

[xx] Pîrbal, F. (2001). Mêjûy Şano Le Edebiyatî Kurdî: la konewa ta 1957 (“Ji Serdemên Kevin de Heta 1957an di Wêjeya Kurdî de Dîroka Şanoyê”). Hewlêr: Dezgay Çap û Belawkirdinewey Aras, r. 31.

[xxi] B.n.b., r. 119.

[xxii] Tenya, b.n.b., r. 53.

[xxiii] Neqil. ji Berzencî, Y. (2007). Şanoî Kurdî. Silêmanî: Govarî Şano, r. 50.

[xxiv] B.n.b., r. 18-19.

[xxv] B.n.b., r. 32.

[xxvi] B.n.b, r. 40.

[xxvii] B.n.b., r. 50.

[xxviii] Chyet û Hassanpour hemfikir in ku beriya Xanî wersiyona xwe binivîsîne Mem û Zîn di nav kevneşopa devkî de hebû.

[xxix] Van Bruinessen, Martin, Essays on the Origins of Kurdish Nationalism, r. 42

[xxx] Ibid, p. 44.

[xxxi] Quoted in Berzencî, b.n.b. , r. 41.

[xxxii] Strohmeier b.n.b. , r. 27.

[xxxiii] Pîrbal, b.n.b., r. 72-73, 78.

[xxxiv] B.n.b., r. 79.

[xxxv] World Encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre Cild 4: The Arab World, r.

[xxxvi] Pîrbal, r. 71.

[xxxvii] B.n.b., r. 50.

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