Vejîneriya Îslamî û Neteweperweriya Kurd di Dîwana Şêx ‘Ubeydulah de

Vejîneriya Îslamî û Neteweperweriya Kurd di Dîwana Şêx ‘Ubeydulah de

KAMAL SOLEIMANI – JI ÎNG: FEXRIYA ADSAY

Puxte: Ev nivîs lêkolînek e li ser bîr û bernameya Şêx ‘Ubeydullahê Nehrî ya vejîneriya dînî û kurdî bi rêya tehlîlkirina berhema wî ya bi navê Mesnewî. Nivîsar bi taybetî dikeve dû têgihiştina têkilbûna hizrên vejîna îslamî û neteweperweriya kurdî di şi’rên Şêx ‘Ubeydullah de. Xwendineke hûrbînane ya Mesnewiyê tu şikekê tê de nahêle ku li gor nivîskarê wê berhemê, hem paşeroja kurdan û hem jî bernameya wî ya vejîna îslamî bi damezrandina dewleteke serbixwe ya kurdî ve girêdayî bûn.

Peyvên sereke: Kurd, osmanî, îslam, neteweperweriya dînî, dewlet

Hilatina Şêx ‘Ubeydullah û hêvîşikestina wî ya ji osmaniyan

Ev gotar armanc dike neteweperweriya dînî ya Şêx ‘Ubeydulahê Nehrî ronî bike bi riya xwendineke hûrbînane ya Mesnewiyê, berhema wî ya helbestî ya nekişifkirî.1 Yek ji taybetmendiyên girîngtirîn a serhildana Şêx xwe-cudakirina kolektîf bû ku dibû nîşaneya hilatina diyardeyeke nû ya civakî-dîrokî di Rojhilata Navîn a modern de. Ji bilî Wadie Jwaideh (2006), bi gelemperî lêkolînerên neteweperweriya kurdî di ser xwe-cudakirina kurdî-dînî ya Şêx re gav kirine. Lê ev meyla di bizava Şêx de girîngtirîn hoker e ku ew wek bizaveke dînî neteweperwer berbiçav kiriye. Ji ber vê, ev gotar hewlek e bo nîşandana ka bê Şêx kurd û êdinên wan çawa tarîf kirine û çawa bendên dînî yên di navbera kurd û ne-kurdan bêqîmet kirine. Tam ew tebeqebûna dîndariya gel ku xwe dispêre etnîsîteya wan, (li gor Şêx) têkilbûna dîn û etno-neteweperweriyê, ku di şîroveya wan a îslamê de cudatiya di navbera perîferî û navendê vedibeyîne, kişif dike. Niha, yekûneke girîng a lêkolîneriya ku hilatina Nehrî ya 1880an de bi belge dikin heye. Lê, ji xeynî çend nameyan, berhemên din î Şêx, wek mînak Mesnewî ne li ber destê ew kesan bûn ku berê li ser raperîna wî xebitîne. Sedema balnedayina Mesnewiyê bi qismî ji ber neliberdestbûna wê bû. Ew bi awayê destxet belav bûye û tenê li ber destê meriv û pêgirtiyên Şêx hebû. Bi farisî hatibû nivîsandin ku ev ziman pir ihtimal e astengeke girîng bû bo merivên nêz ên Şêx ên ji nifşên nû ku li aliyê Kurdistanê yê li Tirkiyeyê dijiyan. Wekî din, ji bilî xebata dîrokzan Sabri Ateş, piraniya lêkolînerên heyî li ser belgeyên ne-farisî yên derbarê serhildana Şêx hûr dibin. Ji ber vê sedemê, Mesnewî wek destxet ji aliyê merivên wî yên nêz û pêgirtiyên Şêx ên li Rojhilata Kurdistanê pê ve nehatiyê naskirin. Heta ev pirtûka helbestî di sala 2000î de hate çapkirin û derket pêş girseya xwîneran sed sal derbas bû. Beriya ku behsa Mesnewiya Şêx bikim, ez ê bi kurtasî çarçoveya peywenda dîrokî ku rê li ber vê berhema helbestî vekiriye, derxim.

Şêx ‘Ubeydulahê (b. 1883) Şêxekî Neqşîbendî yê kurd bû.2 Ew di serdema xwe de yek ji girîngtirîn pêşeng û alimê dînî yên civata kurd bû. Robert Speer (1911), jiyannamenûsê misyonerê navdar Dr Cohran, dema ciyê Şêx ê di nav misilmanên sunî de tarîf dike, diyar dike ku “di nav misilmanên sunî de piştî Siltan û Şerîfê Mekeyê ew şexsê pîroztirîn bû. Bi hezaran kes amade bûn bidin pey wî wek wekîlê Xwedê… Ew şexsiyetekî xwedî fazîlet, bihêz, adil û mêrxas bû (r. 74). Di belgeyên Parlamentoya Brîtanyayê de, Şêx wek kesekî “li ber deriyê xwe rojane navbera 500-1000 kesên ji her çînê pêşwazî dike”, hatiye teswîrkirin. “Zelal e ku şexsiyeta wî berovajî ya ku ji çavên rayedarên faris û tirk xuya dike” (Tirkiye. Hej. 5.; 1881. Belgeya pêvek 4 di nav hej. 8). Ji me re tê gotin, jiyana şexsî ya Şêx têra xwe sade bû û ew û kurê xwe bixwe hemû “kesên ji bo kar didîtin, ne girîng bû çiqas tiştên biçûk be jî… Ji destê sibê heta derengê şevê ew bi karê… gelê xwe mijûl dibû” (b.n.b.)

Şêx ‘Ubeydulahê di warê siyaseta kurdî de bi taybetî dema şerê osmanî-rus de (1877- 78) dema Abdulhamid II ji wî xwest tevlî “cihad”a li hemberî artêşa rus bibe, derket pêş. Li gor gotina Şêx bixwe (2000: 108), wî dikaribû bi hezaran çekdar kom bikira.3 Ev bûyer wê bibûya yek ji girîngtirîn hokerên di geşbûna hestên Şêx ên neteweyî û hêvîşikestina wî ya ji dewleta osmanî. Hevbandoriya kurd-tirk û helwesta artêşa osmanî ya li hemberî kurdan dema şerê osmanî-rus de xuya ye bandoreke kûr hiştiye li ser nêrînên Şêx ên derheqê îslamiyetê(n) ne-kurd de. A din, ev hevbandorî çalakiyên wî yên dû re li dijî herdu dewletên osmanî û qacar jî îzeh dike. Di encamê de, di sala 1879an de, salekê piştî Şer, Şêx li dijî dewleta osmanî serhildaneke têkçûyî pêk anî. Digel ku, dema raseriya hêzên dewletê û têkçûna bivênevê ya li ber çavan dît, jixwe re riyek peyda kir û Siltan qanih kir ku serhildan ne raperînek li dijî Siltên bixwe bû, lê ew encama xeyalşikestina gel bû û li dijî gendeliya rayedarên herêmî bû. Sala din, belkî jî bi hêviya ku ew raperîna sala çû dawiya çalakiyên Şêx ên li dijî dewletê be, Siltên medalya4 da wî.5 Lê tenê çend meh şûn de, Şêx hêza xwe ya yekitiya kurd (Kurdish League)6 ku yekitiyek fireh a kurdên osmanî û îranî bû, bi kar anî û piraniya beşên Kurdistanê yên di bin desthilata qacaran de bûn, kir bin kontrola xwe. Lê, di demeke ku şerê kurd-qacar her diçû wek pevçûna şiî-sunî dihat famkirin, Şêx têk çû û di navbera artêşên qacar û osmanî de ma, tevî riwayetên ku yekîneyên rus jî hatine piştevaniya farisan kirine (Vakit, No. 1860. 1880). Dû re, Şêx, bi taybetî ser israra qacaran ji herêma xwe hat rakirin û şandin bo Stenbolê. Piştî reva wî û vegera bo Hekariyê, osmaniyan vê carê ew şand sirgunê bo Hîcazê, ku heta koça dawî ya di 1883an de lê ma.

Divê ev bê destnîşankirin ku di berhema Şêx a helbestî de, teswîra du civatan, romî (tirkên osmanî) û kurdan, wek du gelên ji hev cuda, pir zelal e. Dijheviya “em”a beramberî “ew”ê di him wateya dînî him ya etno-neteweperwerî de hatiye pênasekirin. Osmanî bi gelemperî li hember îslamiyeta perîferiyê bi guman bûn.7 Berteka kurdan a li hember oldarîya navendê wek gumanbar, qirêjî û neresen, heta ji aliyê Sa’id Nursî jî, navdartirîn alimê dînî yê ji bakurê Kurdistanê di nîvê yekem ê sedsala bîstemîn de, li dû hev dihat dubarekirin (2009: 169-71). Di heman demê de, îmayên îdiayên pakî, raserî an reseniya şîrovekirina dîn bi îdiaya her komê ya etnîk an çandî re jî girêdayî bûn. Lewma, têgihiştin û sedeqeta dînî ya “di nav-komê” tê berzkirin û ya “koma derve” tê mehkûmkirin an reseniya wê bi awayekî xurt lê tê pirsîn. Di rexnekirina van koman a êndin de, bi taybetî ya dewletan de, ku bi neserkeftin an nexwestina wan a perwerderkirina kurdan dihatin tawanbarkirin, hevbandora dîn û neteweperweriyê berbiçav e.8 Mesnewiya Şêx û nerînên wî yên derheqê tirkên osmanî de girîng in ji ber ku kêmasiyên hin aliyên lêkolîneriya heyî ya derbarê serhildanên Şêx ‘Ubeydulah ên li hemberî dewletên osmanî û qacaran de di salên 1879 û 1880ê de derdixin holê. Wek berê jî hat diyarkirin, xwendekarên neteweperweriya kurdî bi gelemperî di ser xwe-nîşandayina cuda ya dînî û daberpirsîna wê ya yekser a reseniya îslamiyeta ne-kurdan re gav dikin û ji ber vê li ser neteweperweriya wê nafikirin. Wek mînak, lêkolînerên wek David McDowell bêyî ku delîlên pêewle parve bike,9 teşebisa Şêx wek “planeke li Stenbolê hatiye amadekirin ku piştevaniyek neîfşakirî pêşkêşî Şêx ‘Ubeydulah kiriye da ku tevgereke ku bikaribe dij-hevsengiyiyekê çêbike li hember tehdîda ermenan (2004: 58). Dîsa bi awayekî şibîner, Hakan Özoğlu hewl dide raperîna Şêx tenê wek bertekeke dînî ku tenê bi Stenbolê ve bê girêdan teswîr bike (2011: 203-15).

Tomarên dewleta osmanî yên heyî rismekî cuda ji yê van lêkolînerên qalkirî şayesandine. Belgeyên osmanî bi awayekî eşkere radigihînin ku dewlet ji bo encamên muhtemel ên raperîna Şêx ên li aliyê osmanî yê sînor ketiye nav fikaran. Wek mînak, Wezîrê Berevaniyê ragihandiye ku Şêx tevî 70,000 çekdarên di bin emrê wî de kontrola hemû Azirbaycana Rojava kiriye destê xwe û serxwebûna kurd îlan kiriye. Rapor pêşbînî jî dike dewleta faris nikaribûye kurdan têk bibe. Lewma “li bandora mezin a vê bûyerê li aliyê me yî sînor10 difikire,” li gor raporê, “çi tedbîr lazim be divê zû bi zû bên stendin. Rayedarên herêmî divê tavilê bicivin û yekîneyên alîkar ku tenê ji [aliyê etnîkî ve] tirk û lazan pêk tên bişînin.11 Belgeyên osmanî hin pirsgirêkên din jî ku Şêx ji dewletê re derxistine, destnîşan dikin. Şêx, ji bo komên ku di piştevaniya serhildanê de ne jidil in teşwîk bike, gotegotek belav kiriye ku hikumeta osmanî piştgiriya tevgerên dij-qacaran dike. Ji ber vê, osmanî van gotegotan xeter dibînin û bawer dikin divê vê îdiaya Şêx bi her awayî red bikin.12 Hin rayedarên brîtanî yên li herêmê jî di wê baweriyê de ne “tevgerên Şêx divê bên şopandin, ji ber ku ihtimal heye hikumetên osmanî û îranî bide ber şermê.”13 Kaptan Clayton jî di yek raporên xwe de nivîsandiye ku Şêx “planeke wî ya berfireh heye bo lihevcivandina hemû kurdan bo dewleteke serbixwe. Şert û mercên [niha] ewil bala wî kişandiye ser aliyê Îranê. Ew ê dû re vegere vî alî û hewl bide heman tiştan ji tirkan bistîne.”14 Belkî jî rewş baştirîn ji aliyê Major Trotter ve hatiye teswîrkirin dema dibêje “çûna Şêx ber bi Îranê ve [ihtimal e] ji ber fikra ku hikumeta Îranê ji ya Tirkiyeyê genîtir bûye û wê hêsantir be serxwebûnê ji desthilata Îranê bistînin.” 15

Kurd beramberî romiyan

Wek ku berê jî hat diyarkirin, li vir armanc ne nûvenivîsandina kronolojiya bûyerên dîrokî yên sedsala 19mîn e, ku ev bi awayekî fireh ji aliyê çendîn lêkolîneran hatiye lêkolandin (Ateş, 2006; Jwaideh, 2006; Olson, 1989), lê nîşan bide ka bê di berhema Şêx de rabêja neteweperwer çawa bi “vegotina neteweyê re dikeve nav hev.” (Divê bê destnîşankirin têkilbûneke bi vî awayî di çendîn cî û şêwazan de pêk dihat. Ji sedsala 19mîn vir ve hevbandoriya di navbera dîn û neteweperweriyê dem bi dem di nivîsên rewşenbiriya kurd a li Stenbolê bi dupatkirina tevkariya kurdan a etnîk bo şaristaniya îslamiyetê,16 koçberên kurd û pêşengên dînî yên ji Îranê,17 û ji aliyê Şêx’Ubeydulah bixwe, bi taybetî di helbestên wî de, dihat xuyakirin.) Berhema Şêx a helbestî ji me re têra xwe delîl dabîn dike bê Şêx îslamiyeta ne-kurd çiqas nîqaşbar dîtiye. Ew ji ber vê fikiriye ku lazim e kurd dewleta xwe ava bikin da ku bikaribin “dînê xwe yî heqîqî” bijîn. Sedsalek şûn de, berhema wî helbestî, Mesnewî hatiye kişifkirin û niha li ber destê xwînerên farisî ye. Edîtor Seyid Îslam Duagû di pêşkêşiya xwe ya Mesnewiya (2000) Şêx de rave dike piştî çend salên lêgerînê wî karibûye ciyê sê kopî destxetên ku tenê li ber destê malbat û pêgirtiyên Şêx bûne, tesbît bike. Hemû dîwan hinekî zêdeyî 6000 malikên bi farisî ne. Heta 1920an di medreseyên kurd de farisî yek ji zimanên hevpar ên fêrkirinê bû. Nehrî di berhema xwe de Mesnewiya Celal el-Dîn Rûmî, şairê mutasewif ê binavûdeng ê sedsala sêzdemîn texlîd dike û hewl dide wî ji nû ve bide naskirin (Nehrî: 129). Rahman (2002) Mesnewiya Rûmî wek “berhemeke helbestî ya ji xweşikbûnê wêdetir û kurahiya qasî vê populariteyeke dewasa bi dest xistiye û, bi rastî wek “Qur’ana Mutasewifan” dihate pejirandin (164). Duagû, di pêşkêşiya xwe de, destnîşan dike ev versiyona Mesnewiya Şêx a çapkirî eynî ji kopiya desxeta cara ewil e ya di 1962ya de ji ber hatiye derxistin. Nakokiyên bi versiyonên neçapkirî re di jêrenotan de hatine nîşandan.18 Ev beşa ku têgihiştina siyasî ya Şêx dide xuyakirin ji zêdetirî çarsed malikên ku ew danûstendina xwe û pêgirtiyên xwe yên bi artêşa osmanî vedibêje, pêk tê. Xuya ye danûstendina kurd-osmanî ya dema şer bandoreke pir neyênî hiştiye li ser dîtinên Şêx ên derbarê tirkên osmanî de.

Di vê berhema helbestî de Şêx hinekî bi teredud nêzî meseleyên siyasî dibe, ji ber ku, ew bi me dide zanîn, pirtûk teqez derbarê babetên dînî de ye. Tê gotin ew bi îlhameke eşkere ya Neqşîbendî tarîfnameyek e bo vejîna îslamiyeta li Kurdistanê (Nehrî: 126). Şêx dibêje, kengî derbarê babetên dinyewî (aḥvâl-e donya) de nîqaşek derkeve, zehmet e ew ji niyeta xirab azade be (b.n.b.). Ligel vê, ew îdia dike ku ew “ji bo serpêhatiya kurd û romiyan [tirkên osmanî] vebêje, babetên bi vî rengî nîqaş dike” (b.n.b.). Dibêje “dikarin min bi xeybkirinê, ku gora gunehan e, tawanbar bikin” (b.n.b.). Lê heqê mazlûman heye derheqê zaliman de bipeyivin, bi taybetî ger behsa tiştên diqewime (ṭebq-e majara)” bikin (b.n.b.). Şêx vê armanca xwe bi mînaka tecrubeya xwe ya dema şer firehtir rave dike di du malikên dawiya helbesta xwe (li ser vê serpêhatiyê) de dema dibêje “ew ji bo xatirê kurda ye ku ez dihêlim qelema min jan bide, binivîsîne û ji bo serpêhatiya wan bê nivîsandin li ser rûpelên bayê (ruzgar) da ku bibe yadigarek (yadgar) bo alemê (‘alam)” (b.n.b: 127). Helbestên Şêx ên derbarê şerê rus-osmanî û amadekariya wê de, ku hin jê divê pişt şer hatibin nivîsandin,19 heyraniya wî ya bo Abdulhamîd II nîşan didin (b.n.b.110). Ji nameyên wî yên bo Abdulhamîd II cuda, Şêx di helbestên xwe de wek xelîfe qala Siltên nake.20 Li gor efserê rus P. I. Averyanov, Şêx ji meşrûiyeta îdiaya osmanî a bo xelifetiyê bawer nedikir (1995: 214-216). Averyanov diyar dike, ev ji aliyê kurdan jî ku bi giştî bawer dikirin “osmanî xelîfetiya misilmanan bi darê zorê stendine û hikuka Îslamiyetê îhlal kirine,” (b.n.b: 214-216) dihat pejirandin. Lê, Şêx bê teredud ew wek îmam21 an belavkarê dîn û edaletê, bi nav dikir (Nehrî: 130).

Mirov dikare ji vir derxe ku destpêka şerê rus-osmanî de Şêx hurmetek wî mezin hebû bo Siltên. Bi taybetî ev di vegotina Şêx de eşkere dibe dema dibihîze Siltan nikaribûye hestên xwe kontrol bike dema nameya Şêx ku di 1877an de bang li kurdan kir li hemberî Rusyayê tevlî cihadê bibin (Nehrî: 110). Ji Şêx re hatiye gotin name ewqas hestbar bûye ku Siltên taqeta wî têr nekiriye temama wê bixwîne. Lewma, Abdulhemîd ji îmamekî xwestiye li ba wî rûne û dewama nameyê bixwîne (b.n.b). Ev eşkere ye ku ‘Ubeydulah berteka Siltên wek nîşaneya sedaqeta wî ya mezin a dînî û dîndariya wî şîrove kiriye. Şêx fikiriye ku Abdulhemîd bi wî re hemfikir e û ew bobelatên hatine serê dewleta osmanî encama terikandina qaideyên îslamî û pêdeçûna ihmalkariyeke mezin a bêexlaqiyê (bar Kabā’er moṡerr) bû.22 Lê di wê baweriyê de bû dewleta osmanî ewqas xira bûye ku Abdulhemîd jî nikare wê serast bike. Ji qabiliyeta wî zêde bû guherînên binemayî (tabdil in hay’at) bikaribe pêk bîne (Nehrî: 110). Nehrî îdia dikir belavbûna vê çanda ne-îslamî hatiye wê astê ku Abdulhemîd êdî nikare desthilata xwe bi kar bîne an bi karîgerî bi rê ve bibe.23

Tesbîtên bi vî awayî nîşan didin ne ku tenê di warê amûrên temama dewletên osmanî de hêvîşikestineteke mezin bi Şêx re çêdike, lê ew jixwerehesibandina nakokbar a misilmantiyê ya him ji aliyê dewletê him ji aliyê perîferiyê, ku dibe nîşaneyên etnîk û komunal jî, ronî dikin. Nakokiyên wisa zelaltir bûn di rasthatina Şêx a bi arteşa osmanî re, ku li gor wî bi awayekî eşkere tunebûna rabitayên heqîqî yên di navbera amûrên dewletê û îslamiyetê temsîl dikir. Her çiqas bijareyên osmanî îslamiyeta “xelkên şerqî” bi giştî bi awayekî neyênî dinirxandin jî, hin aliyên ku dikare têkeve xizmeta rêvebiriyeke karîgertir tolere dikirin.24 Necib Ali, rayedarekî osmanî di 1873 de, dema derbarê dîndariya kurdî ya Şêx ‘Ubeydulah de nêrîna xwe dibêje, dibe mînakek baş bo nêzîkbûna dualî ya bijareyan li hember dînê li periferiyê:

[Şêx] hewl dide, kurdên ku meyla wan ber bi putperestiyê ve heye, bîne ser riya rast. Nehiyeya Şemzînanê ku Şêx lê dijî li ser riyên koçeriya eşîra ye û li ser sînor e [yanê li çeperên welatê osmanî]. Bo nîzam û ewlehiya vê herêmê sê çar mifreze îcab kir. Lê bi saya hebûn û alikariya Şêx… tenê mudirek û heşt zabtiye bes in bo birêvebirin û hevdana hemû bacan di wexta xwe de (Ateş, 2006: 332 de hatiye şîrovekirin. Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin).

Paragrafa jorîn, wek ku di deqê de derketiye pêş, dide xuyakirin hin nêrîn û têgihiştinên derheqê kurdan de dema ji aliyê bijareyên şiî yên faris tên îfadekirin çiqas bêtir neyênî dibin. Wek mînak, burokratekî îranî, Iskender Quranîs, Şêx wek “serokê dînî yên eşirê koçer ku qet ne adet ne dîn nas dikin” tarîf dike (Ateş, 2006: 332). Kurd wek komeke mirovan dihatin dîtin ku li ser sînorên dewletên muhteşem ên qacar û osmanî de dijîn. Alîxan Afşar, ku bixwe li hember Şêx şer kiriye, di bîranînên xwe de dibêje “ev mirovên bêaqil, nezan, kirêt, û belaya Xwedê koçerên sunî ne, li çiyayê bilind û negihînbar dijîn, piraniya wan bi koreyî dane pey Şêx Ubeydulahê rêşaş” (2007: 30, 221).

Dema em li Nehrî dinêrin, “hemû bobelatên hatine serê Împeretoriya Osmanî,” encama yekser a qirêjiya çandî û exlaqî ya vê dewletê û teb’ayên wê bû (Nehrî: 110). Lewma bi israr digot “dema dîn diçe îman jî winda dibe û dema mumîn tunebin wê serfirazî (nusrat) çawa pêk were (b.n.b.). Li gor wî, tirkên osmanî pusulaya xwe ya exlaqî winda kirine û ji ber vê ye wan têkçûna ji ber destê rus an têkçûneke ewqas bêrûmet dan dewamkirin (b.n.b.). Nehrî îdia dike di navbera asta dîndariya gel û, têkçûn û serfiraziyên wan î dinyewî de korelasyonek yekser heye. Divê bê bibîrxistin di nav vejînerên sedsala nozdemîn û bîstemîn de helwesteke bi vî rengî berbelav bû.25 Lê ligel vê, Şêx ne di wê baweriyê de bû ku civak hemû bi yek awayî “qirêjî” bûye an ji “riya rast” derketiye. Bawer dikir di navbera komên etnîk ên cuda de helwestên cuda hebû di warê misilmantî û exlaqê de. Şêx di wê nêrînê de bû ku têkçûna tirkên osmanî, digel hejmara wan a zêde, ji nîşaneya têkçûna wan a exlaqî pê ve ne tu tiştek bû û “misilman niha ji aliyê eşqiyayan tên îdarekirin” (b.n.b: 111). Bi taybetî di warê artêş û burokratan de pir hişk bû û bê teredud ew wek “neyarên bêfam ê xelkê dîndar [yanê, kurd]” teswîr dikir (b.n.b: 120).26

Di maweya Şer de, ji riwangeya Şêx, aliyê osmanî ji du komên dijber pêk dihat: romî (tirkên osmanî), “ji aliye exlaqî ve bêxem” û “kurdên bixwe bawer ku xwedî dîndariyek xurt bûn” (b.n.b: 117). Kurd wek xelkekî dîndar tê teswîrkirin, ku ji nav wan bi deh hezaran şervan kom kiribû dema gazî kiribû ku beşdarî cîhada li hemberî dagirkirina rusan bibin (b.n.b: 108). Bi hatina kurdan (li gor Şêx, tekane hêza heqîqî şer kiribû), artêşa rusan li pey hev gelek têkçûn xwarin:

Dema li Ebexeyê27 şervanên me28 bi rûsan re rûberû bûn,29 Ûris bi têkçûneke xedar re rû bi rû man Kurd di cengê de mîna şêrên qehreman, Rûs, wek xezala bireve ji ber wan.

Dengê wan î mîna brûskan ew kirin ewr [ên bêşikl] Xwîna rûsan bi ser deştê ve diherikî

Serî rûsan mîna zîpikê diketin xwarê (b.n.b: 116),

Hûrgilî û dehşeta pêvçûnan bi muşkilpesendî tê ravekirin û motîvasyona şervanan bi etnîsîte û dîndariya wan ve tê girêdan. Şêx rola kurdan a di şer de wisa teswîr dike:

Bo şêrên me, çiya jî pir biçûk diman
Biriqandina rewnaq a şûrên kurdan
Wek çilayê vêdikeve û vedimirin, gotin têrê nakin Hêzên neyar dikevin xwarê di lêgerîna ciyekî ewle de Xurmîna kurdan olan dide li bilindtirîn ezmanan

Xurmîn û dengê bilind ê gaziyên30 [kurd]
Tevî tirs û gumanên ûrisan
Û ruhên bêlaş ên ûrisan ezman tijî kiribû
Ji ber ku laşên bêruh her der sor kiribû
Dema qîrînên rûsan digihişt ezmên
Milyaketan ji jor ve pesnê gaziyan didan (b.n.b.)

Şêx îdia dike “romî” qe dil nedikirin şer bikin, heta yek ji leşkerên wan wêrekî kiribû ji bo li dij rûsan şer bike tevlî kurdan bûbû, dema hatibû dîtin ji aliyê payebilindên xwe bi tundî hatibû cizakirin. Wek mînak:

Yek ji leşkeran [osmanî], mêrxas û bi bejnûbal
Piştî ku tevlî me bûbû dema şerê kurd û rûsan
Bi daran lêdan xwar, giran hat cizakirin
Heqê xwe yî xwarinê winda kir, şerefa wî lewitandin Gunehê wî nedihat efûkirin û ewqas mezin bû

Piştî ku tevlî kurdan bû, ewqas mêrxas bû ew (b.n.b: 117).

Li gor Nehrî, dilnexwaziya artêşa osmanî ya tevî kurda şerê rûsan bike, ligel nedîndariya wan bi bêhurmetî û antîpatiya wan a bo kurda tê ravekirin (b.n.b: 117- 24). Sedemên li pişt dilnexwaziya artêşê bo pêgirtiyên Şêx nayên zanîn. Lê, tişta tê zanîn, li gor Şêx û pêgirtiyên wî artêşa osmanî wek bêdîn, bêvîn didîtin û gendel bû ku halê heqîqî yê dewleta osmanî temsîl dikir (b.n.b.). Rola osmanî piranî wek wêranker dihat dîtin. Întibaya wan li ser kurda hiştibû ew bû ku wan bi temamî ji gelê kurd nefret dikirin. Şêx “romî” wek komek mirovên ku tenê piştevanî û hewesa kurdan a di şerê dijî îstilaya rûsan israf dikir, didît. Jê wêdetir îdia dike artêşa osmanî û fermandarên wê mêrxasî û fedakariya kurdan bi nefret, bêqîmetî, hesûdî û birrîna heqê wan î xwarinê xelat kiribû. Derbarê vê de Nehrî wiha qal dike:

Digel ku gaziyan ewqas muhteşem şer dikirin
Ji romiyan alikarî nedihat
…
Hêzên takviye yên kurd bi serê xwe neyar tekbirin Fermandarên tirk ew bi nefret û hesûdiyê xelat kirin Hewl dan ji kurdan xilas bibin û xwarina kêm kirin Bi rojan nan nexwarin, şervan sebra wan nema

…
Kîna romiyan bêsînor bû
Kîn û çavnebariya wan, kî dikare bende wan keve? (b.n.b: 117-20)

Şêx rave dike bê rom çawa hemû şaşiyên cîhana misilmantiyê temsîl dikin. Wan wek mînaka klasîk a “qirêjiya misilmanan” dibîne, kirêt (sofleh) dibîne, ji samimiyeta dînî mehrûm, û gurên ku dikevin dilqê şivên (az gorgan, ra‘i pustin)” (b.n.b:111). Bêqîmetkirin û henekpêkirina bi kurdan, ku ji aliyê Şêx ve wek qewmê dînê pak (qowm-e pak din) tê teswîrkirin, ji aliyê artêşa tirk ve kir ku taliya talî qada şer biterikînin. Şêx tiştên li jor wek nîşaneya neyartiya osmanî ya bo kurdan, ku bi dîtina wî mêrxasiyeke mezin kiribûn û raseriya xwe ya exlaqî nîşan dabûn.

Jê wêdetir, di vegotina Şêx a derbarê hevbandoriyên kurd-osmanî yên dema şerê rûs-osmanî de nêrîneke hişk heye. Li gor vê, Şêx osmaniyan wek misilmanên navekî dibîne; di dilê wan de hestên xurt ên dîndariyê tunene. Îdia dike osmanî an romî, wek ku wan bi nav dike, minafiq in, îmana wan tuneye, bi derewa dibêjin em misilman in. Qala hedîsekê, gotinên bo Pêxemberê Îslamiyetê tê atfkirin, dike ku li gor naveroka wê Şêx bawer dike dîndariya osmaniyan jî nimûneya vê ye (b.n.b: 109, 127). Li gor vê hedîsê, Pêxember îlan kiriye ku sê pîvan hene, li gor van mirov dikare bêje yek minafiq e an na. a) ger yek dema diaxife derewan bike b) ger yek soza xwe negre c) ger yek kesekî din, bawerî bi wî anîbe, bixapîne.31 Li gor vê, Şêx rave dike ku derheqê osmaniyan de çi hîs dike:

Ez çiqas qala bêedaletiya wan bikim nekim, ew ê li ba tiştên qewimiye ne tiştek be. Romiyan ji bo her yek soza ku di destpêka Şer de dane me, bêşerefî kirine. Hemû tiştên me ji bo wan kir berhewa kirin. Wan soz dan wê li xwarina şervanên kurd miqate bin, û wan soza xwe xwar… Kirinên romiyan da xuyakirin ku hemû fedakariya kurdan hewante çûye (b.n.b: 127)

Dema dîndariya osmaniyan ji aliyê Şêx ve wek ne-mewcûd, derewîn û bêsamimiyet tê resimkirin; dîndariya kurdan wek bereksê vê tê qalkirin. Tenê mêrxasî û dîndariya ereban bi qasî ya kurda ye ji ber ku, li gor Şêx, ew ji heman kokê tên.32 Li ser vê wisa dibêje:

Bi ferasetek xwezayî tên dinyayê
Şêr in, nîşaneyên mêrxasiyê ne
Mînakên şênber ên qehremaniyê di şer de Hatemê Tayê33 ne, sembolên fidakariyê.

‘d’ya di kurd de dîn e (dîndarî)
‘k’ kemal û mukemelî ye
‘r’ ruşd e, kemaliyeta rûhî
Tenê di kurdan de hûn dikarin bibînin34
Hemû ev fazîlet li hev civiyane. (b.n.b: 120-121)

Hilatina Şêx’Ubeydulahê di siyaseta kurd de serdemeke nû destnîşan dike û şêweya geşedana wê ku tê de têkelbûna neteweperweriyê û dîndariyê bi eşkereyî xuya dike. Ev têkelbûna di nav bizavên kurd ên siyasî de, ku di hin rewşan de heta 1960an dewam kiriye, taybetmendiyeke tekane bexşî wan kiriye.35 Ev bi saya wê rastiya ku kurd di heman demê de “Êdin”ê perîferîk ê dînî û etnîk temsîl dikirin tê ravekirin. Kurd bi giştî wek “paşverû” û “nezan” hatine şayesandin di serdema dawî ya osmanî de.36 Ji ber vê, di çavên bijareyên osmanî de dîndariya wan jî, wek awayê îslamê ya “paşverû” hatiye nîşandan.37 Ji ber ku bijareyên osmanî bawer dikirin ti milet “bêyî ku ronahiya îlim û îrfana Stenbolê bistînin”38 nikarin bên asta têgihiştina wan a modern a îslamiyetê. Wan îslamiyeta kurdan an bi giştî îslamiyeta ne-tirk, “kevn” an “paşverû” didîtin. Mezheba şafî (yek ji çar mezhebên mezin ên qanûnî ya îslamiyeta sunî) di redkirina riayetkirina propagandaya mezheba henîfîtiyê ya di nav împeretoriyê bi israr tevgeriyabûn: “Vê şaxa îslamiyetê di helwesta xwe ya pasîf a li hember dewletê riayetî henîfiyan, mezheba sereke ya osmanî, nedikir” (Mardin, 2006: 60).

Projeyek kurdistanî ya vejîneriya îslamî

Mesnewiya Şêx îzaheteke yekem-dest a fikrên wî yên siyasî û neteweyî pêşkêş dike, ku ev alikariya me dike em baştir fam bikin bê nêrînên wî yên dînî û neteweyî çawa nifuzî hev kirine. Mesnewiya wî li aliyekî, zêde çavkanî tuneye li ber destê me ku derbarê hûrgilî an taybetmendiyên vejîna Şêx a dînî dabîn bikin. Mesnewiya wî tê wateya projeyeke vejîna dînî. Îdia dike Mesnewiya xwe ji bo têgihiştin û nirxandina berhemên Romî39 çareyek pêşkêş bike dinivîsîne.40 Mesnewiya Şêx, ligel vê, piranî li ser şaxa Neqşîbendî ya sufîzma îslamî hûr dibe. Pirtûk hûrgilîkirineke helbestî ya dîroka terîqetê û rêberek e bo pêgirtiyên vê terîqetê. Îzaheta wî ya nû ya helbestî, ji aliyekî ve, jinûvesazkirina dîroka Terîqeta Neqşîbendî bû da ku “qaideyên wê yên resen û pak” ji şaş-şîroveyên niha û berbelav ên nifşê hemdem, veqetîne (b.n.b). Li gor Şêx, dûrbûna zanebûna xelkê ya derheqê Terîqetê ji “qaideyên wê yên resen” hatiye wê radeyê ku mirov bi zorê dikare navbera herduyan de manendiyan bibîne (b.n.b.).

Nêrînên Şêx ‘Ubeydulah dişibe yên vejînerên din î misliman ên hemdem. Ji ber rewşa giştî ya karên dewleta hemdem aciz bû. Derheqê dewleta osmanî de pir reşbîn bû. Eşkere ye ku Şêx bawer dikir kêmasiyên dewleta osmanî ji ber xemsariya wê ya li hember qanûn û qaideyên îslamî ne. Ew difikirî qanûnên osmanî yekser dijberî yên îslamiyet û (khelaf-e)-Shari‘a ne (b.n.b: 110). Li gor wî, qanûnên îslamî ji ayetên Qur’anê û kevneşopa Pêxember pê ve ne tiştek in; û ji ber vê, tiştekî ne li gor wan nûjeniyên (bid‘a) qedexekirî ne (b.n.b:111). Ev, ji hêlekê, cureya selefîzma Muhamed ‘Abduh (1849-1905) û Muhamed Raşid Rida (1865-1935) nîşan dide, ku di nêzîkbûna Şêx a ber bi vejîna dînî de bi qaideyên Neqşîbendî re têkel bûne. Heta, dema îdia dike “qanûnên vê umetê -ku baştirîn qanûn in- xwe dispêrin Qur’an û kevneşopa Pêxember (b.n.b.)”, fikra muşterektiya qanûnên umeta îslamê jî bi bîr tîne. Lê, xuya ye ev şêwe vejîn ji yên wek ‘Abduh û Rida cuda dibe ji ber ku ‘Ubeydulah tenê li ser vejîna dînî ya di nav kurdan de disekine. Şêx piranî bi rewşa Kurdistanê re elaqeder e; ev wî ji vejînerên din ên misliman vediqetîne. Vejînerên ereb jî rojeva wan bixwe hebû. ‘Abduh jî di wê baweriyê de bû “osmaniyan xelîfetî bi darê zorê dest xistine û tirk nikarin ruhê peyama Muhamed fam bikin ji ber ku ew muhtedên vê dawiyê ne” (Enayat di Satan, 2008: 39 de neqil dike). Dîsa jî, ji Nehrî cuda, di heman demê de bi temama cîhana misilman re elaqeder dibin. Lê Şêx xuya ye ji Kurdistanê wêdetir bala xwe zêde nade cîhana misilman.

Şêx Ubeydulah bi taybetî derbarê dîndariya kurdan de nêrînên wî erênî ne lêbelê di eyn wextê de li hember terîqetên sufî, terîqeta wî Neqşîbendî jî tê de, têra xwe rexneyî ye. Ew qirejiya li Kurdistanê wek qirêjiya terîqetên mutesewif dibîne. Ji ber vê sedemê ye ku xwe mecbûr dibîne kevneşopa sufî ya nifşên berê du-qatî vejîne:41 a) qirêjiya sufizmê bixwe, b) li Kurdistanê hebûna hewesa dînî ya di asta îstisnayê de, ku pêwîstî rêberî û pêşengtiya ruhanî hebû (Nehrî: 130). Ubeydullah diyar dikir bêyî rêbertiyeke heqîqî ev hewes û kelecana dînî wê têkeve riyeke şaş (b.n.b). Wî digot xwezaya mucbîr a dîn (an pêgirtiyên terîqetê) mecbûr kir nivîsandina Mesnewiyeke duyem ku ya yekem li bende wê ye û wê bivejîne (b.n.b:129). Bi riwangeya Şêx, li Kurdistanê kevneşopa tasawufê wate û dînamîzmaya xwe ya hundirîn winda dike. Ji dêvla merhaleyên berztir ên ruhaniyetê bi riya perwerdeya îcabkirî û bidestxistina zanîna pêwîst, ev dibû meseleya mîratê. Ji bo derbaskirina merhaleyên tasawufê, mutesewifek êdî hewcedariya wî bi xebata salên dirêj û hewlên bo ruhaniyeteke kûr a şexsî tunebû (b.n.b:130). Ji ber vê, ligel hewesa wan a dînî, “kurd li deşta dîn ((ṡaḥra-ye din)” digerin (b.n.b). Li gor Nehrî, berovajî kevneşopa dewrêşên bisebir (Salaf), ku mecbûr dikir yek li hember xwe rexnegir û li hember kêmasiyê kêsên din bitolerans be (be her kes ḥusn-e ẓann), mutesewifên hemdem wek nimûneyên mukemeliyeta dîndariyê li xwe dinêrin û yên din bi fesadiyê îtham dikin (b.n.b:131).

Qadeke din ku Şêx ji kom û şexsiyetên vejîner ên din î misilman vediqetand helwesta wî ya li hember rabirdûya Îslamê û “dewra wê ya zêrîn” bû. Şêx aîdî kevneşopekê bû ku di dîroka Îslamiyetê de ji sedaqeta tajdidê (nûkirin)42 bawer dikirin. Lewma, wî bawer dikir, tevî dewra îstisnaî ya Pêxember û Raşîdûn, dîroka misilmanan bûye şahidê gelek dewrên zêrîn ku yek ji van jî di rabirdûya nêz a Kurdistanê de dikare bê dîtin. Şêx banga “vegera bo Îslamiyeta bakîr ku di Qur’an û kevneşopa pêxemberî de hatibû tarîfkirin” dikir, ku di kevneşopa mezin a tesawifê de, li Kurdistanê nifşên berê jî tê de, hatibû sepandin û nûkirin. Bîranînên wê hê zindî ne, tenê çend dehsalan berê Hizretî Mewlana Xalid, damizrênerê şaxa xalidî ya Terîqeta Neqşîbendî, dijiya. Ji vejînerên din î misilman wek Cemaledîn Afganî (1838/1839-1897) û Abduh cuda, Şêx di wê baweriyê de bû ku li Kurdistanê “qirêjî”ya43 misilmantiyê reh bernade dewra emewiyan.44 Vê bi mirina bavê wî bixwe û Mewlana Xalid di nîvê yekem a sedsala nozdemîn de dest pê kiriye. Wî bawer dikir Kurdistan di nav du demajoyên qirêjiyê de derbas dibû: yekem, windabûna azameta Kurdistanê ku ji nîv sedsalê zêdetir e dest pê kiriye dema, li gor Şêx, Kurdistan navenda ilmê bû û li cîhanê bala hemû kesên li dû zanînê digerin dikişand. Kurdistan baxçeyê zanînê bû, xelk û alema “ji her herêmê û ji her qewmî” dihat Kurdistanê da ku bêndera mêweyên zanînê rakin. Bêguman, îdiaya Şêx a derbarê navendbûna Kurdistanê ya ilm û îrfanê di xwe de hin hêmanên heqîqetê dihewand. Dîrokzanê osmanî, Katib Çelebî vedibêje:

bazara ilmê li Tirkiyeyê xira bûbû, û hema bêje alim li ber windabûnê bûn. Ewçax şagirtên ilmê ku li ciyên ji navendê dûr dixebitîn, li ser axa kurdan vir de wê de, hatin Tirkiyê û dest pê kirin forseke mezin bidin xwe. Ez, nivîskarê naçizane yên van rêzikan, wek şagirtekî li ser riya nîqaş û xebatê ji aliyê hin mirovên şareza hatim handan ku ilmê heqîqetê tiştan bi dest bixim, çawa ku Platon ji aliyê Sokrates hatibû handan (1957: 26)

Li gor Şêx “ev deryayên ilm îrfan û ronahiyê” winda bûn çûn û tişta li şûna wan maye qalikê wan e. Ruhê mîrata nifşê berê winda bûye, wek ku berê hatibû qalkirin, gelek ji Şêx û xelîfeyên heyî bi cahilbûn û mijûlbûna bi “îdiayên beredayî yên gihiştina alema nexuyayî” dihatin tawanbarkirin (b.n.b). Ji tecrubeyên mîstîk an destkeftiyên ruhanî bêpar dihatin tarîfkirin. Bi nêrîna Şêx, Kurdistanê bi vî awayî şênbûna xwe û “deryayên wê yên ronahiyê ziwa bûn” winda kir (b.n.b). Aliyê duyem ê vê demajoya qirêjbûnê, ku Jwaideh baş bala xwe dayê, tunebûna dewleteke kurdan a serwer bû û ji serî heta dawî xirabûna rewşa civakî-siyasî bû. Şêx zêde tiştekî nabêje ka rewşa yekem ji ber ya duyem e an na. Lê, ilm û irfana li Kurdistana osmanî ya sedsala nozdemîn bandora wêranker a têkçûna mîrektiyên kurd ên li ser rewşa civakî-siyasî yên li Kurdistanê eşkere dike.45 Şêx dewletê tenê wek saziyeke ku dikare nîzam û ewlehiyê ava bike nabîne, lê wek aktoreke avakar a şaristanî an moderbûnê jî dibîne. Li gor wî, yek girîngtirîn rolên ku dewlet dikare bilîze perwerdekirina xelkê ye. Ev aliyê rola dewletê hema bêje her tim di nêrînên wî, name û helbestên wî de tê îmakirin. Ev yek ji girîngtirîn hokeran e ku Şêx ber bi dewleteke kurd a serbixwe ve dibe.46 Ev helwesta derbarê dewletê de bi taybetî di vê beşa nameya Şêx a bo misyonerê amerîkî Dr. Cochran de baş xuya dike:

Di nav tiştên din î xirab de, belkî we eşîra… Şikak jî, ku bi kirinên xwe yî xirab û wêranker tê naskirin… û [ku] wê di halê xwe yî hov de bimînin… bihîstibe. Dewleta osmanî jî, wek a Îranê, ya ne xwediyê amûrên bişaristankirina van insanan e an jî wan îhmal dike. Navê Kurdistanê bi xirabî derketiye û hatiye bêqîmetkirin, ferq nehatiye xistin navbera kesên aştîxwaz û dilxirab.47 (dupatkirin lê hatiye zêdekirin).

Di nameya jor de, Şêx îdia dike hikumetên osmanî û îranî bi zanebûn rê li ber perwerdeya ev eşîrên kurdan digrin. Angaşt dike ev komên kurd di “halê hov” de dihêle ku ev herdu hikumet siyaseta xwe li Kurdistanê bikaribin bidomînin. Lewma, him dewleta osmanî jî a kaçarî jî li dijî kurdan bi kirina heman tiştan tawanbar dike. Ji aliyekî ve, ji perwerdekirina gelê kurd direvin û dihêlin ev eşîr hemû sûcên kirêt bikin; ji aliyekî din ve jî, vê bo “resimkirina hemû kurdan wek hov”48 bi kar tînîn. Şêx dibêje ji ber vê hemû kurd bi hev re wek “hov” tên naskirin. Lewma:

Divê hûn vê bizanibin ku ev hemû ji ber ihmalkariya rayedarên tirk û farisan e, ji ber ku Kurdistan di navbera ev herdu welatan de ye, herdu hikumet, ji ber sedemên li gor xwe, şexsên baş û xirab de ji hev venaqetînin. Bi vî awayî ev şexsên xirab wek xwe dimînin, xelkekî xwedî rûmet navekî xirab pê dikeve û wêran dibe.49

Li gor vê, dikare bê angaştkirin ku Şêx avakirina dewletekê wek amraza serkeftina vê projeya vejîner jî dibîne. Dewletê tenê dabînkerê qanûn û nîzamê nabîne lê wek garantorê neteweyeke perwerdekirî jî dibîne. Eşkere ye ku Şêx perwerdeyê wek dermanê tengaviya kurdan dibîne. Tevî vê, li gor wî, tunebûna perwerdeya gişteyî li Kurdistanê sedema sereke ya vederkirina kurdan e. Şêx di nameya xwe ya bo Iqbal ed-Dewle50 dibêje “em dizanin ligel kurdên baş ên xirab jî hene lê tu kes nafikire ku yên xirab perwerde bike51 û [lewma ne mumkun e] kurd bê perwerde şaşiyên xwe rast bikin (Celîl, 2007: 42). Li gor vê, Şêx perwerdeya gişteyî wek mifteya jiyana birûmet û insanî û ji bo kurda wek riya revînê ji hejariyên niha, dibîne.

Rola amrazî ya perwerdeyê ewqas zêde tê barekirin, tê wê radeyê ku wekîlên Şêx jî girîngiya perwerdeya gişteyî bipejirînin. Xelîfe Seyîd Muhamed, xwezûrê Şêx, di civîna xwe ya bi konsolosê brîtanî Abbott re, endîşeyên xwe anî zimên ku Ubeydulah, “ger bi ser keve, wê ji heqê heydûdan bê, li ser sînorên Tirkiye û Îranê nîzamê ji nû ve saz bike, li qaideya wekheviyê muameleya wekhev bi xiristiyan û misilmanan re bike, perwerdeyê bi pêş ve bibe,52 û bihêle dêr û dibistan bên avakirin.” (Jwaideh: 85).

Xuya ye Şêx di wê baweriyê de bû ku bicîanîna projeyên li jor qalkirî desthilatdariya dewletê pêwîst dike. Bêguman, wî ji vê bawer dikir ku hedef divê li ber çavên ewropiyan maqûl, û herwiha, modern bin.53 Xelîfe Seyîd Muhamed, dema ji bo afi randina dewleteke kurd ji ewropiyan piştgirî dixwest, ev hedefên muntazam pêşkêş kiribû. Ji vê wêdetir çûbû û gotibû ger ‘Ubeydulah qewlên xwe neyîne cî, “ew amade ye li dadgeha Ewropayê bê darizandin û li bende encamên wê be” (Tirkiye No. 5; 1881. Belgeya pêvek di hej. 56). Di heman demê de, Şêx, bi riya wekîlê xwe, digot ne faris ne jî osmanî naxwazin bo refaha kurd û xiristiyanan gavên girîng bavêjin û fikra xwe xurttir dikir. Ji belgeyên jor jî dikare bê famkirin, Şêx di navbera tunebûna perwerdeya gişteyî û hebûna diyardeyên wek rêgiriyê de korelasyoneke yekser dibîne ku ger ew di afirandina dewletekê de serkeftî bibe, soz dide wê ji holê rake,. Di Mesnewiya xwe de ku tê de berdengên (muxatab) biyanî tunene, derbarê hebûna rêgiriya kurdan de tu agahî tuneye. Lê, angaşt dike mirovek çiqas bi qabiliyet dibe bila bibe an pêşiyên wî/wê çiqas biesil (aṡl-e najib) dibin bila bibin, pêdiviya wî/wê bi perwerdeyê heye ku bikaribe potansiyela xwe bi kar bîne (Nehrî: 121). Herwiha ji bo temsilkirina gelê kurd zêr wek analojiyekê tê bikaranîn, îdia dike digel ku zêrê xam heman made ye ku xişir jê tên çêkirin, ji bo bibiriqe û biqîmet bibe divê li ser bê xebitandin (b.n.b). Li gor wî, kurd “qewmekî yekta’ ye di warê hostatiya huner û fazîletê de (fazl u honar): ger ew baş bên perwerdekirin, tu kes nikare bi qasî wan şareza bin” (b.n.b). Ger ew “di bin serokatiyekê de bên ba hev, wê bibin xwedî dewle- teke yekta (bî-masal va bî-nazir)” (b.n.b). Li vir dupata Şêx a li ser yekitiya kurdan di bin serokatiyekê de, bi nêrînên wî yên neteweperwer ên deqerûtir ku di nameyên wî de cî digrin, li hev e (bnr. Celîl, 2007: 45-58). Ev bi taybetî girîng e ji ber ku dema bo yekitiya siyasî bang dike, Şêx kurdên ne-misilman bi awayekî eşkere li derve dihêle.

Agahiyên derbarê hûrgiliyên ku Şêx tê de dewleteke modern bi têgîn dike, û firehiya têgihiştina wî ya dewletê, gelek kêm in. Lê, ên li jor tên wê wateyê ku Şêx ji pêwistiya dewletekê bawer dikir da ku kurd bên perwerdekirin, xwe biparêzin li hemberî êrişên biyanî, ewlehî û hêminiya xwe ya hundirîn pêk bînin (bnr., Nehrî: 121).

Encam

Ji bo biencamkirina vê mijarê, bandora paşxaneya etnîk û peywenda çandî di têgihiştina Şêx a derbarê Îslamiyetê de berbiçav e. Bi gelek awayî, sînorên şîroveya wî ya îslamî bi sînorên neteweyî yên “muxayel”, bi qewlê Benedict Anderson, re li hev in. Şêx, li gor sînorên etnîsîteya kurd sînorên xwe yî dînî ji nû ve xêz dike. Berhema helbestî ya Şêx a berê nekişifkirî bû bo me agahiyên kêmpeyda yên têgihiştina wî ya derbarê kurd û êdinên wan de dabîn dike. Ji ber ku helbestên wî diselmînin ku nêrînên wî yên dînî bi neteweperweriya wî re li hev in, berhem alikariya çareserkirina îhtilafa nêzbûnên dualî yên derbarê serhildana wî de dike. Şêx vejînerekî kurd î misilman bû. Lê, vejîneriya wî ya dînî vederker bû. Ne wek piraniya vejînerên misilman ên dij-mêtinger bû; di texeyula wî ya siyasî de ciyê umeta Îslamî tunebû. Dewleta wî ya muxayel bi awayekî ya dînî bû. Lê, wê tenê bo halkirina rewşa kurdan bihata avakirin. Herî zêde wê bibuya dewleta kurd û ermenan. Li gor Şêx, ji bo kurdan wê baş bibûya ku dewletek wan hebûya.

Ligel xumamiyên têgeha dewletê ya Şêx, wek gelek misilmanên modern, wî jî bo guherînê dewlet wek aktora sereke didît. Nêrîneke bi vî awayî taybetmendiyeke sereke ya vejîneriya modern a Îslamî ye, ku ji awayên din î pre-modern û serdema navînkî cuda dibe. A din, Şêx qedreke mezin daye rola dewletê ya perwerdekirina xelkê. Dewlet tenê ewlehî, qanûn û nîzamê dabîn nake lê ew amraza belavbûna awayê “heqîqî” yê Îslamê ye. Lê, wek ku hatiye destnîşankirin, di vejîn û belavkirina Îslamiyeta “heqîqî” de bala Şêx tenê li ser sînorên etnîk û erdnigarîk ên teng de bû, yanê, Kurdistan. Dupata bi vî awayî ya li ser sînorên etno-neteweyî yên dewleta wî ya “muxayel” a Îslamî, nîşaneya hilatina neteweperweriyê di civakên misilman de û bandora vê hilatinê ya li ser ramana siyasî ya misilmanan bû.

1 Ger bereksê wê nehatibe diyarkirin, hemû wergerên di vê gotarê de aîdi min in.

2 Neqşîbendî terîqeteke mezin a sunî mutasawif e ku di sedsala 12mîn de peyda bûye.

3 Ateş (2006: 311), lêkolînerekî dîroka kurd-osmanî, diyar dike “Şêx ’Ubeydulah di nameyeke bo Siltan Abdulhamid de, dibêje ew hêzeke 30,000î bi rê ve dibe. Fermandarê osmanî yê sengera Qafqas û Rojhilat Ahmed Muxtar Paşa, didomîne dibêje Şêx Ubeydulah, tevî tabûrên ji herêmên din jî wê bên, heft tabûrên redîf (hêza yêdek) bi rêk kiriye. Îlaweyî yekîneyên binîzam, dibêje, “Şêx [Ubeydullah] Efendi yê ji Hekariyê 50-60 leşkerên bênîzam, him peya him siwar, ji deverên wîlayeta Wanê daye hev.

4 Medalya an xelat a bo şerefa yekî tê dayin.

5 Clayton, li herêmê, rayedarekî brîtanî yê koloniyal, payebilindê xwe Trotter agahdar dike ku “Şêx ’Ubeydulah pir dixebite ku nifuza xwe zêde bike. Ji xiristiyanan re xweş dike û gelek ji wan dû re ji Gewerê koç kirine li mintiqeya Şêx bi cî bûne da ku wan ji kurdên din biparêze. Tu guman tuneye ew hê jî difikire ji hukimdariya tirk xilas bibe. Ji aliyekî din Bahrî beg, yawerê Semîh Paşa vê hefteyê xelata ku Siltan dabû wî wê ji Şêx re bianiya (FO 195/1315 No. 20, Van, 25th May 1880).

6 Xuya dike nûçeyên derbarê avakirina yekitiya kurdan neteweperwerên ermen ên li Stenbolê û derveyî axa osmanî pir aciz kiriye. Bijareyên neteweperwerên ermen hewl didan vê wek tehdîdekê bo ermenan biresmînin. Ji ber vê Parlamentoya Brîtanî civîneke fermî çêkir û îzehet xwestin ji endamên kabineya brîtanî ku lêpirsînekê bikin derbarê vê yekitiyê de. Bnr. Tercüman-ı Hakikat. No. 673 û 678 (1880). Xuya ye avakirina vê yekitiyê wek “fîtkirineke Hukimeta Navendî, ku dixwaze pirsgirêka ermenan bifetisîne bi derxistina pirsgirêkek nû ya kurdan” fam kirine an xwestine nîşan bidin. (Nameya ji Monseigneur Krimian, Turkey No.5. 1881. Belgeya pêvek hej.6)

7 Ji bo cudatiyên zêdetir ên di navbera Îslamiyeta navendê û perîferiyê bnr. Makdisi (2002 û 2002), Dringle (1998 û 2003).

8 Hin ji van rexneyan piştî dehansalan hatin barekirin di 1925an de di îlankirina Şêx Seîd a helîfetiya kurd de ku dewleta tirk tawanbar dikir ku bi zanebûn dev ji perwerdekirina kurdan berdaye, bnr. Strohmeir (2003).

9 Wek mînak bnr. li belgeya jêr ku berovajî îdiayên McDowell e: BOA. Dosya No: 5; Gömlek No: 99/2; Fon Kodu: Y. PRK.ASK. 10/21/1880).

10 (halen bizim terafa olacak sui-te’siratı pek büyüktür). Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin.

11 Cf. BOA. Dosya No: 5; Gömlek No: 99/2; Fon Kodu: Y. PRK.ASK. 10/21/1880). Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin.

12 Cf. BOA: Dosya No: 486; Gömlek No: 62; Fon Kodu: A.MKT.MHM Tarih: 29/Ca/1298 (Hicrî) [28.04.1881].

13 Belgeyên parlamentoyê. Tirkiye. No. 5. (1881. Belgeya pêvek 2 di hej.8).

14 B.n.b. (Belgeya pêvek 3 di hej.54).

15 B.n.b. (Belgeya pêvek di hej.22).

16 Bnr. Soleimani, (2016) Islam and Competing Nationalisms in the Middle East, 1876-1926. Palgrave Macmillan US.

17 Bnr. Celîl (2007: 56).

18 Bnr. destpêka bo Nehrî (2000: 1-2).

19 Destnîşan dike ku xilaskirina pirtûkê ji ber şer taloq kiriye (Nehrî: 104).

20 Di hin nameyên wî yên şexsî yên bo Siltên, Şêx têgeha ku her tim tê bikaranîn Khilafet-panahi (penaberê Xelîfe) bi kar tîne Cf. BOA: Dosya No: 1525, Fon Kodu: PRK.ASK. Tarih: 7/ Temuz /1296 (Hicrî) [7.19 .1880]. Hin nameyên din hene ku tê de Şêx vê têgehê jî bi kar tîne. Cf. BOA: Dosya No: 1492, Fon Kodu: PRK.ASK. Tarih: 20/Haziran /1296 (Hicrî) [7.1.1880].

21 Ji misilmanên şiî cuda, sunî têgeha îmam bi awayekî pir sist bi kar tînin. Sunî peyva îmam piranî wek bikaranînek giştî (‘aam) famdikin. Lê, peyva xelîfe bikaranînek wê taybet heye. Gelek ramangêrên sunî îdia dikin unwana xelîfe ji bilî çar xelefên ewil ên piştî Pêxember pê ve ji bo tu rêvebiran nikare bê bikaranîn. Hêjayî gotinê ye Seyîd Beg, ramangêrekî misliman û wezîrê dadê yê tirk î dij-xelîfetiyekî dilalavek di sala 1924a de di parlamentoya tirkan de bi bîra hevkarên xwe yî nêz-xelîfetî dianî ku “alimên Kurdistanê tu car xelîfeyên osmanî cidî negirtine.” Bnr, TBMM Zabıtları. VII. 1 Mart 1340 (1924): 55-65

22 (garche sultan ma*yay-e fath ve zafar—did dar ejra-ye shar’-e namvar). (Nehri: 110).

23 (kardeh bidinan salbe ikhtiyar—bar sare mellat ze daste shariyar) (ibid,: 110).

24 Bnr. Makdisi (2002: 768-96).

25 Destpêka Seyyid Qutb a bo al-Nadawi (1945: 10-11).

26 (bi muhaba bar goruh-e ahl-e din).

27 Ciyekî nêzî bajarê Wanê, li bakurê Kurdistanê/Turkiye.

28 Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin.

29 Divê bê diyarkirin ku hemû helbest ji aliyê nivîskar ve ji farisî bo îngilîzî hatine wergerandin

30 Gazî, ew kesê ji bo dawa dîn şer dike. Lê, Şêx li vir vê têgehê taybetî bo şervanên kurd ên di şerê osmanî-rus 1877-78 de tevî osmaniyan şer kirine, bi kar tîne.

31 ‘Alamatul munafiqi thalathatuṅ: ‘idha ḥadatha kadhiba, wa ‘idha waoada ‘akhlafa, wa idh[a] ‘utmi‘una khana.

32 Di nav kurdan de ne kem e ku îdia bikin ew û ereb ji heman kokê ne. Heta Said Nursî jî (2009: 579) îdiayek wî wisa heye. Lê di nav kurdan de ev nêrîn li hember neteweperweriya ereb guherî, taybetî piştî avakirina Iraqê.

33 Hatim al-Ta’i, di wêje û çanda erebî de sembola comerdiyê de.

34 Ke nadarad hich aqwam-e degar.

35 Meylên bi vî awayî di sala 1926ê de serhildana Şêx Seîd, di 1949ê de Komara Kurdistanê û heta radeyekê di 1960î de tevgera Mistefa Barzanî de tê dîtin.

36 Têgihiştineke bi vî awayî ya derheqê kurdan de dû re dema komarê de jî hebûna xwe domand (bnr. Zeydanlıoğlu, 2008).

37 Ev nêrînên neyênî ketiye nav biwêj û îfadeyên tirkîjî. Wek mînak, “Kürt ile itin Allahı birdir;” “Allah Kürdü, Kürd Allahı sevmez” (Alakom, 2010: 33-4). Ji bo bêtir agahî derbarî helwesta giştî ya bo gelên li perîferiyê, bnr. Makdisi, (2002 û 2002), Dringle (1998 û 2003).

38 Bnr. Tercuman-ı Hakikat. Hej: 595 (Pûşber 7, 1880).

39 Mewlana Celaledînê Romî (wer.)

40 Şêx dibêje, armanca wî ya sereke ya nivîsandina vê Mesnewiyê, ravekirina Masnaviya Rûmî bû ji ber ku “maneya kûr a di helbestên emirê vê terîqetê lazim e ji “avam”ê re bê kişifkirin (Nehrî: 13).

41 “Nevî ji riya bavûkalên xwe derketin û wan îcadên qedexekirî anîn (tark karde har kas âśâr-e salaf- mukhtari‘ gashte be bid‘at har khalaf).” Ji ber vê, min cisaret kir berhemên van mirovên dîndar derxim holê [vejînim (la ‘alaj amad jasarat dar miyan— ke konam âśâr-e in pakân ‘ayân [Nehri, 131]).

42 Têgehên wek ihya’ û tajdid rehên xwe kûr berdane di dîroka misilmantiyê de. Îmam el-Ha- ramayn el-Juwayni (1028-1085) û Abū Ḥāmed al-Ghazālī (1058-1111) wek pêşengên nasan- dina van têgehan tên qebûlkirin. Lê, Celaledîn el-Suyuti (1445-1505) ye yê ku bûye nûnerê sereke yên van têgehan. Bo bêtir agahî, bnr. Al-Suyuti (1972).

43 Her çiqas eşkere nehatibe gotin jî, fikra qirêjî an xirabûnê jixwe di nav hewlên vejînê de jî ciyê xwe girtibû. Di sedsala 19mîn de, ev fikra jirêderketina misilmanan ji riya rast yek ji awayê ravekirinên sereke ya serdestiya leşkerî, teknîk û zanistî ya Ewropayê li ser cîhana misilmanan bû. Di salê 1940î de, Abu al-Hassan al-Nadawi li ser heman babetê pirtûkek nivîsand, ev fikra derbarê qirêjiyê û dûrketina misilmanan ji serdema zêrîn a Îslamiyêtê pir baş temsîl dikir (al-Nadawi, 1945: 10).

44 Ji bo temsiliyeta vê nêrîna derbarê dîroka Îslamiyetê ku hewl dide “destpêka xirabûna misil- manan” tesbît bike, bnr. Maududi (1985).

45 Ji bo bêtir agahî li ser mîrektiyên kurd bnr., Jwaideh (2006).

46 Brw. Nameyên Şêx bo Iqbal ad-Dowleh di nav Celîl, Kürt Halk Tarihinden 13 İlginç Yaprak/13 Rûpelên Balkêş ên Dîroka Gelê Kurd: 38-43.

47 Belgeyên Parlamentoyê. Tirkiye. Hej. 5. (1881. Belgeya pêvek 3. No 5/61).

48 B.n.b.

49 B.n.b.

50 Waliyê Urmiyeyê di salê 1880an de.

51 Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin.

52 Dupat lê hatiye zêdekirin.

53 Hemû delîl destnîşan dikin ku Şêx têdigihişt ku li cîhanê çi diqewimî. Dr. Cochran dibêje

ÇAVKANÎ

Belgeyên brîtanî

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Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). Tercüman-ı Hakikat. Vakit.

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