Piştgiriya Sînornenas: diyariyên Helbestkî Yên Goran û Cegerxwîn Bo Paul Robeson

Piştgiriya Sînornenas: diyariyên Helbestkî Yên Goran û Cegerxwîn Bo Paul Robeson[1]

METİN YÜKSEL – JI ÎNG: FEXRIYA ADSAY

Puxte: Ev gotar li ser du diyariyên helbestkî yên ji aliyê du helbestvanên girîng ên kurd ên sedsala 20mîn, Abdulla Goran û Cegerxwîn ku bi du zaravayên sereke yên kurdî, soranî û kurmancî, bo Paul Robeson nivîsandine, disekine. Helwesta civakî û siyasî ya dij-nijadperest û dij-mêtinger a Goran û Cegerxwîn ku di helbestên wan de rûdide binxêz dike û lê dinere ka ev di peywenda nûsîn û teoriya pişt-mêtinger de dikare çawa bê xwendin. Ev gotar bi awayekî giştîtir armanc dike tevkariya xebatên derbareyê rabêjên piştgiriya pêşverûyên dema Şerê Sar ên di berhemên wêjeyî de bike. Piştî kurteya destpêk û geşedana dîrokî ya neteweperweriya kurdî, gotar bala xwe dide kariyerên siyasî yên Goran û Cegerxwîn û ligel wan jiyan û têkoşîna siyasî ya Paul Robeson. Gewdeya gotarê, helbestên Goran û Cegerxwîn ên bo diyariya Robeson wek mînakên helwesta wan a humanîstên radîkal, dij-nijadperest û dij-mêtinger, û ji aliyê piştgiriya wan a bo stranbêj, lîstikvan û çalakgerên mafên sivîl ên afrîkî amerîkî analîz dike.

Peyvên sereke: Cegerxwîn, Abdulla Goran, Paul Robeson, helbesta kurdî, piştgirî, dij-nijadperestî

Destpêk

Ev gotar du helbestên helbestvanên kurd ên herî naskirî yên sedsala bîstemîn, Abdulla Goran û Cegerxwîn, analîz dike û peywendên wan ên siyasî û civakî dikole. Gotar qismek jê xwe dispêre xebatên berê yên nivîskar ên derbarê helbestên Cegerxwîn wek “helbest û siyaseta hişyarbûnê” (Yüksel 2011, 215–225; Yüksel 2014, 536–553). “Bangêk bo Pol Ropsin”ê2 Goran û “Heval Pol Robson”ê Cegerxwîn ku bi zaravayên xwe (soranî û kurmancî) û bo piştevanîkirina stranbêj, lîstikvan û çalakgerê mafên sivîl Paul Robeson nivîsandine, ji ber sê sedeman eleqayek nêz heq dikin. A yekem ew e ku ji ber helwesta wan a humanîst, dij-nijadperest û dij-mêtinger ev helbest dikare bi hêsanî di nav çarçoveya xebatên pişt-mêtingerî de bên nirxandin. Di nav vê peywendê de, ev gotar qada xebatên kurdî bi “qada xebatên netewebuhêr ên afrîkî amerîkî” (Zaborowska 2009, xxi) re dixe nav gotûbêjekê û sernavê wê jî îlham ji xebata Chandra Talpade Mohanty a derbarê bandorên netewebuhêr, Feminism Without Borders (Feminîzma Sînornenas) girtiye (Mohanty 2003).

A duyem, ev gotar tevkariyek e bo xebatên derheqê rabêjên hevgirtina (solidarity) pêşverû ku di dema Şerê Sar de bi riya berhemên wêjeyî belav bûne. Di demên dawî de, Cedric Tolliver (2014) li ser “piştevaniyên alternatîf û hêviyên pêknehatî ku di dema Şerê Sar de zêde bûbûn” (382) lêkolîn kir, Julie-Françoise Tolliver (2014) jî li ser lîstikeke ku di sala 1966an de ji aliyê Aimé Césaire ji bo bîranîna serokwezîrê yekem ê Kongoya serbixwe, Patrice Lumumba hatiye nivîsandin wek “jesteke piştevaniya dij-mêtingerî ya netewebuhêr” (398) hûr bû. Çalakiyên Robert Williams, pêşengê afrîkî amerîkî yê bo mafên sivîl, li Çînê ji aliyê Beth Hinderliter (2014), û Maha Nassar (2014) destnîşan da ku “çalakger û rewşenbîrên filistînî yên li Israîlê piştevaniya xwe bo têkoşerên rizgariyê yên afro-asyayî çawa îfade kirine. Xebatên din, bi taybetî a Sapira (2009) û Thörn (2006), dema Şerê Sar de li ser rehendê Afrîkaya Başûr ya piştevaniya siyasî ya navneteweyî kûr bûne. Bi kişifkirina van her du helbestên kurdî, ev xebat armanc dike tevkariya xebatên heyî yên derheqê rabêjên hevgirtina pêşverû ya netewebuhêr ên di salên 1950yî de bike.

A sêyem, ev girîng e ku Goran û Cegerxwîn -wek Robeson- xwe di nav hevalbendiya ligel gelên bindest ên cîhanê de bi cî dikin û di dema Şerê Sar de li Yekitiya Sowyetan wek hevalbendê gelên zalkirî yên li seransera cîhanê dinêrîn. Goran û Cegerxwîn pesnê Lenîn dane û Yekitiya Sowyetan wek tekane hevrikê pêbawer yê dewletên Ewropî -ji ber dîroka wan a mêtingeriyê- û Dewletên Yekbûyî didîtin. Di nav vê peywenda siyasî de, her du helbestvan haya wan ji helbest û têkoşîna helbestvanê tirk Nazım Hikmetê (1902-63) ku xwediyê navdariyeke navneteweyî bû û sala 1951ê de ji Tirkiyeyê reviyabû Yekitiya Sowyetan, hebû.

Ev gotar ewilî kurtedîrokeke destpêk û geşedana neteweperweriya kurdî ya ji serê sedsalê heta salên 1950yî dide û piştre li kariyerên wêjeyî û siyasî yên Goran û Cegerxwîn dinêre. Dûre vedigere têkoşîna siyasî ya Paul Robeson û têkiliya wî ya bi du helbestvanên kurd re. Di vê peywendê de, rexnegirtina siyasî ya radîkal a Robeson, nêrîna wî ya bo gerdûnîbûna zalkirin û têkoşîna gelên zalkirî û piştevaniya wî ya bo Yekitiya Sowyetan (û rexneyên ku ji bo vê piştevaniyê li wî hatine kirin) tê nirxandin. Herî dawî, “Bangêk bo Pol Ropsin” û “Heval Pol Robson” wek mînakên helbestva- niya kurdî ya pişt-mêtingerî ku bi dengekî humanîst û radîkal, bi helwesteke siyasî ya dij-nijadperest û dij-mêtinger bang dikin, û wek nîşaneya retorîka rizgarîxwazên kurd a ku li seranserî cîhanê di nav piştevaniya gelên zalkirî de ye, tên analîzkirin.

Neteweperweriya kurdî

Her çiqas ev der ne ciyê qalkirina dîroka neteweperweriya kurdî ya bihurgilî ye (agahiyên dorfireh di Jwaideh [1963], Olson [1989], van Bruinessen [1992] û Celîl [1998] de dikarin bên peydakirin), divê bê destnîşankirin ku bi gelemperî rehên wê heta dawiya sedsala 19mîn diçe. Djene Rhys Bajalan (2013) nîşan kiriye ku helbest û medrese qadên girîng ên çandî bûne bo fikr û ramanên neteweperwer:

Hacî Qadirê Koyî (1817–97), ku di medreseyên başûrê Kurdistanê de perwerde bûye, di helbestên xwe de bi şewqeke mezin a modernîst û neteweperwer xwestiye ku kurd bi zimanê xwe serbilind bin, bidin dû perwerdehî û zanistên modern û a girîngtirîn, serdestiya biyaniyan ji ser xwe biavêjin. (806)

Hamit Bozarslan (2002) girîngiya gotina nivîskî bi bîr tîne û destnîşan dike bê çawa nîşaneyên ewilîn ên neteweperweriya kurdî dikare di serhildana Şêx Ubeydulah a sala 1880yî de bên dîtin, mîrata wê ya nivîskî jî bi rojnameya osmanî-kurdî, Kurdistanê ku di navbera salên 1898 û 1902yan de ewilî li Qahireyê û dûre li çendîn bajarên Ewropayê hatiye weşandin, dest pê kiriye (841). Rojname û komeleyên kurdî ku piştî Meşrutiyeta Con Tirkan a 1908an zêde bûn, xebatên derbarê ziman, çand û wêjeya kurdî de bi pêş xistin (Klein 2000).

Piştî Yekem Şerê Cîhanê, serdema xanedanan wek “norma meşrû ya nevneteweyî” (Anderson 2006, 113) ciyê xwe ji netewe-dewletan re hiştin. Lê kurd ku li Tirkiye, Iraq, Îran û Sûriyê dijiyan, bûn “neteweyê herî mezin ê bêdewlet” (Blum and Hassanpour 1996, 325). Sosyologê tirk Îsmaîl Beşikçî îdia dike ku kurd û welatê wan ji aliyê çar netewe-dewletan ve hatiye dagirkirin û ji ber van fikrên xwe li Tirkiyeyê dora 17 salan li girtîgehê ma (ji bo analîza tevkariya Beşikçî bnr. van Bruinessen 2003–04 [2005]). Geşedana dîrokî ya neteweperweriya kurdî bi têgeha serhildanê re ji nêz ve têkildar e. Digel ku gelek raperîn ku bi armanckirina ji parastina xwe-birêvebiriyê, ji xweseriyê heta serxwebûnê pêk hatin jî, ev negihiştin armanca xwe. Di “dîroka raperînên kurdan de” (Chatty 2010, 265), sê merhaleyên girîng û şexsiyetên taybet ciyekî mezin digirin: Serhildana Şêx Seîd (1925), di salên 1945-1946an de li Îranê Komara Kurd a Mahabadê di bin serokatiya Qazî Muhamed de (ku Cegerxwîn jê re zêmarek nivîsandiye) û li Iraqê navbera 1943-45 û 1961-75an de raperîna Mela Mistefa Barzanî (Sluglett 2015). Di salên 1950yî de bi têkçûna tevgerên neteweperwer re ku serxwebûna kurdan bi dest nexistin, helbestvanên radîkal ên wek Goran û Cegerxwîn mecbûr man di berhemên xwe de bindestiya kurdan bi deng bikin. Hêrs û kedera gelê kurd, ku ji ber neqebûlkirina wan a wek gelekî bi rûmet bû, anîn zimên û vê kir ku helbestên wan wek şêwazeke nivîsên pişt-mêtingerî bên şîrovekirin û têkevin nav analîzên rexneyî yên derbarê bandorên zalbûna mêtingeriyê. Weku Elleke Boehmer (2005) dibêje, “Wêjeya pişt-mêtingerî ne ku tenê ‘piştî’ împeratoriyê hatiye [ … ] ew bi çavekî rexneyî û tehrîbkar li têkiliyên mêtingeriyê dinêrin. Ew bi riya nivîsê bi awayekî li hember riwangehên mêtinger derdikeve” (3).

Bi taybetî ew nêrîna neteweperwer e ku helbestên Goran û Cegerxwîn di lîteratura pişt-mêtingerî de berbiçav dike. Weku Boehmer destnîşan dike:

Lîteratura pişt-mêtinger [ … ] bi kûrahî ji aliyê azmûnên vederkirin û parçebûna çandî ya dema împeratoriyê hatiye daxkirin. Bi taybetî di dewrên destpêkê de gelek caran ew lîteratureke neteweperwer e. Li ser vî asasî, pişt-mêtingerî dikare wek ew şert û mercên ku gelên mêtinkirî bi darê zorê an bi awayekî din wek kirdeyên dîrokî di vê cîhanê de ku her diçe globalîze dibe hewl didin ciyê xwe bigirin, bên tarîfkirin (2005, 3).

Him Goran him Cegerxwîn di helbestvaniya xwe de ji bo gelê kurd daxwaza kirdebûneke bi vî rengî ya wêjeyî, siyasî û dîrokî dikin. Wek mînak, di berhemên Cegerxwîn de bo kurdan dîrokeke qehremanî û medenî tê texeyulkirin. Cegerxwîn ku bi zaravayê kurmancî (zaravayê jorîn î kurdî ji aliyê piraniya kurdan, herî zêde jî ên di nav sînorên Tirkiyeyê de dijîn, tê axaftin, û di vê serdemê de li Tirkiyeyê hatibû qedexekirin û krîmînalîzekirin), dinivîsand bi taybetî berê xwe dabû helbesta kurdî ya devkî ku li herêmên Kurdistanê di rêwîtiyên xwe de berhev kiribû (Hitchins 2012b; di xebatên pişt-mêtingeriyê de bo girîngiya çanda devkî bnr. Ashcroft, Griffiths, û Tiffin [1998, 165–167]).

Goran û Cegerxwîn, di kariyerên xwe yên siyasî û wêjeyî de, her duyan jî ji bo daxwazên neteweyî yên kurdan deng bide, bi riya hevalbendiya bi tevgerên radîkal ên dewra xwe armanc dikirin ku civak, çand û siyaseta kurdan bêtir bidin xuyakirin. Di nav vê peywendê de divê mirov nêzî piştevaniya wan a bo Yekitiya Sowyetan bibe, ji ber ku ew ne bi tenê bûn. Aimé Césaire (2000) jî Yekitiya Sowyetan wek modeleke “biratiya rojên kevnare” didît (52). Dema ku Yekitiya Sowyetan di salên 1950 û 1960î de stratejiya alikariyê bo welatên nepêşketî da destpêkirin (Guan‐Fu1983;West 2012), ên wergir bi erênî lê nêrîn. Frantz Fanon, di Toward the African Revolution (Ber Bi Şoreşa Afrîkî ve) de wê peywenda ku endîşeyên rizgarîxwaz ên kesên wek Goran û Cegerxwîn çawa bi piştgirîdana bo Yekitiya Sowyetan encam dide destnîşan dike: “Gelên mêtinkirî ji aliyê neteweyên rojavayî hatine kolekirin, tenê welatên Komunîst dikare di her şert û mercî de wan biparêzin. [ … ] Gelên mêtinkirî ne ku bi taybetî komunîst in, lê ew teqez dij-mêtinger in” (1967b, 94). Bi rastî, sedema ku Cegerxwîn li Sûriyê di sala 1957an de ji komunîstan veqetiya ew bû ku “wî bi tenê rizgariya gelê xwe ji xwe re kiribû armanc” (Hitchins 2012b). Cegerxwîn di bîranînên xwe de Raperîna 1925an wek tevgereke neteweyî ya rizgarîxwaz teswîr dike û lê zêde dike ku elaqeya navneteweyî jî dît, wek a Jawaharlal Nehru (Cegerxwîn 2003, 164). Di heman rûpelî de, referansên wî yên derbarê tevgerên neteweyî yên rizgarîxwaz li hemû cîhanê delîla hişmendiya wî ya rizgarîxwaz e. Wek ku Hamit Bozarslan jî di îlona 2014an de bi riya ragihandineke şexsî destnîşan dikir:

Di salên 1950 û 1960î de (û bi qismî salên di 1970yî de jî) tenê ragihandineke “sê-kişwerî” (piştevaniya di navbera gelên afrîkî, asyayî û amerîkaya latînî) tunebû lê ragihandineke cîhanî ya gelên bindest hebû. Wek mînak, kurd teqez haya wan ji Şerê Cizayirê yê Serxwebûnê hebû (bnr. Bozarslan 2008 jî).

Herwiha kariyerên Goran û Cegerxwîn ên helbestvanî û siyasî dikare bi hêsanî di nav peywenda dîrokî û siyasî ya tevgerên dij-mêtingerî û rizgariya neteweyî de bên bicîkirin (bo bêtir agahî derbarê tevgerên neteweyî de, bnr. Young [2001,161–166]).

Goran û Cegerxwîn

Goran ku li başûrê Kurdistanê li bajarê Helebceyê hatiye dinyayê, li Kerkukê di enstituya perwerdehiyê de xwendiye û li bajarê xwe bûye mamoste (Hitchins 2012a, paragraf 1; bnr. Kurdo 2010, 383–386). Wek ku Keith Hitchins diyar dike: “Di salên 1930î de di daweyên siyasî û civakî yên radîkal de çalak bû, milîtaniyek wisa bû ku heta sala di 1958an de li Iraqê monarşî hilweşiya gelek caran dibû sedema girtin û hefskirinan” (paragraf 1; bnr. Hitchins 1993 jî). Orit Bashkin (2009) destnîşan dike ku: “Ew endamê Partiya Komunîst a Iraqê bû û ji ber vê hate girtin, işkence dît û ket girtîgehê (185). A rast, çend helbestên wî mijara wan girtîgeh in (Goran 2005, 201, 206–207). Wek endamekî Komîteya Iraqî ya aşitî û piştevaniyê gelek caran diçû Yekitiya Sowyetan (Kurdish Aspect 2015, paragraf 2) û li wir rewşenbîrên kurd nas kiribû.3 Goran helbesteke bi navê “Moskoy Ciwan” nivîsandibû (Goran 2005, 226). Di sala 1960î de li Zanîngeha Bexdayê di beşa Ziman û Wêjeya Kurdî de bû wanebêj (Kurdish Aspect 2015, paragraf 2), û di sala 1962yan de jî koça dawî kir.

Keith Hitchins rola wî ya di modernîzekirina wêjeya kurdî de yek ji serkeftinên wî yên herî girîng dinirxîne:

Goran bo geşedana helbesta kurdî ya modern tevkariyeke berbiçav kir. Bi pêkhênana kevneşopên klasîk û risteyên gelêrî bi ruh û teknîkên lîrîzmeke hevçax, şêwazên nû û mijarên nû bexşî helbesta kurdî kir. (2012a, paragraf 1; ji bo analîzkirina şêwazên helbestkî yên helbestên Goran bnr. Ahmed [2012]).

Goran di destpêka salên 1950yî de di geşedana çapameniya kurdî de jî şexsiyetekî girîng bû; kovara heftane Jîn “ji rewşa kovareke çandî derxist kir kovarake dengê mîlîtan a civaka kurd a hejar” (Hitchins 2012a). Helbest û nivîsên pexşanî ji îngilîzî, frensî, farisî û tirkî werdigerand bo kurdî (Hitchins 2012a). Di nav van wergeran de helbestên Nazım Hikmet jî hebûn (Goran 2005, 344–347, 377–380).

Kariyera wêjeyî ya Goran li başûrê Kurdistanê şikl girt; li vir zaravayê kurdî, soranî bi riya weşan, çapemenî û perwerdehiyê geş bûbû. Joyce Blau (2009) bal dikişîne ku parêzgeha Mûsilê bi dewleta Iraqê ve hatibû girêdan, ku di rêvebiriyê de kurdî kete dewsa tirkî û di jiyana rojane de kete dewsa farisî. Blau lê zêde dike:

Pirtûka Kitebi awalamin qirā’ati kurdi (Kitêba bo destpêkê) ji bo dibistanên kurdî yên li Silêmaniyê hate nivîsandin û li Bexdayê di sala 1920an de çap bû. Di heman demê de bi destpêka geşbûna çapemeniya kurdî jî, xebatên ziman û wêjeya kurdî li Iraqê bi lez berfireh bûn (Para.10).

Cegerxwîn (Şêxmûs Hesen) di malbateke feqîr de di sala 1903yan de li gundekî girêdayî Mêrdînê, li ser sînorê Tirkî û Sûriyê, hatiye dinyayê.4 Wek ku Hitchins diyar dike, Cegerxwîn ev navê xwe yî mustear piştî serhildana Şêx Seîd li xwe kiriye ji ber ku gelekî di bin bandora vê bûyerê de maye (Hitchins 2012b). Û piştî serhildana Şêx Seîd e ku dest bi nivîsandina kurdî dike (Cegerxwîn 2008a, 279). Li herêmên kurdan di medreseyan de perwerde bû û ji bo perwerdehiya xwe çûye Iraq û Îranê jî (Cegerxwîn 2008a, 279; 2011, 315–317). Bixwe dibêje di dema perwerdehiya xwe de elaqeya wî bo helbesta kurdî ya klasîk dest pê kiriye (Cegerxwîn 1983). Ji 1930î bi şûn de, dev ji melatiyê berdide, li Sûriyê bi awayekî çalak dikeve nav siyaseta kurdî û beriya ku di 1949an de tev li Partiya Komunîst a Sûriyê an Komunîzma navneteweyî bibe, komeleyên kurdî yên çandî û siyasî vedike. Piştgiriya wî ya bo kampanyaya Yekitiya Sowyetan a li dij mêtingeriya welatên rojava bû sedema çend girtinan, a yekem di sala 1949an de bû (Hitchins 2012b). Helbesta wî “Sîh û Sê Roj di Zindanê” (Cegerxwîn 2008b, 133–136) qala işkenceya di girtîgehê de dike. Li Iraqê piştî Şoreşa Tîrmeha 1958an, ku bi helbesta xwe “Çardehê Temûz” pîroz kiribû (Cegerxwîn 2011, 29) —ev helbesta wî pir dişibiya a Goran ku bi heman navî bû (Goran 2005, 310)— navbera salên 1958-1963yan de li Zanîngeha Bexdayê dersên ziman û wêjeya kurdî dide (Hitchins 2012b). Di bîranînên xwe de, li Bexdayê wek karhevalekî xwe qala Goran dike (Cegerxwîn 2003, 364). Di 1979an de li Stockholmê bi cî dibe û di 1984an de li wir koça dawî dike.

Blum û Hassanpour (1996) Cegerxwîn wek “helbestvanê herî girîng ê kurmancî yê sedsala bîstemîn” dibînin (334). Her du dîwanên wî ku di salên 1945 û 1954an de li Şam û Bêrûdê çap bûne di salên 1946 û 1955an de li Tirkiyeyê hatin qedexekirin.5 Dîwana wî ya yekem ji aliyê Celadet Bedirxan di nav Kitêbxaneya Hawar de hate çapkirin û wek berhemên wî yên din bi zimanekî zelal û sade hatiye nivîsandin. Ji ber ku di perwerdehiya xwe ya li medreseyê di bin bandora helbesta kurdî ya klasîk de maye, helbestên wî ji aliyê xwendevan û mamosteyên medreseyan ve hatine jiberkirin û belavkirin (Cegerxwîn 1983). A din, gelek helbestên wî, “Heval Pol Robson” jî tê de, stranbêjê binavûdeng Şivan Perwer ew kirine stran. Ev du awayê raguhastinê (perwerdeya medreseyê û muzîka populer) di nav civaka kurd de tevkariya belavbûna fikrên civakî û siyasî yên radîkal kirin. Weku Hitchins bi awayekî qanihker dibêje, berhemên wî her tim aliyê wan ê civakî xurt bûne: “Bi aliyekî ve digire, her tim feqîr û mezlûman di ser kesên dewlemend û xwedîhêzan re digire, lê zimanê wî jî xwendevanê xwe digihêne û rihet dike, ji ber ku bi rihetî hêvî dide û teşwîq dike (2012b). Wî jî wek helwesta Robeson a bo têkoşîna afrîkî amerîkiyan, rewşa kurdan wek parçeyek ji têkoşîna li dijî zordariyê didît. A din, wek Robeson, wek “rehendeke navneteweyî ya têkoşîna kurdan wî jî piştevaniya Yekitiya Sowyetan dikir û emperyalîzma brîtanî û amerîkî şermezar dikir û Yekitiya Sowyetan wek piştmêrê gelên bindest dipesinand” (Hitchins 2012b). Kariyera Cegerxwîn ya siyasî û wêjeyî li Sûriyeya di bin hukmê Fransayê de şikl girtibû. Sûrîye, bi taybetî beriya ku frensî jê vekişiyana, bûbû stargeha çalakgeriya neteweperweriya kurdî. Geşedanên çanda kurdî, bi serkêşiya birayên Bedirxanî, Celadet û Kamiran, Şam û Bêrûd kiribûn navend. Her du birayan rojnameyên kurdî, kurdî-frensî Hawar, Ronahî, Stêr û Roja Nû/Le Jour Nouveau weşandin û alfabeya kurdî ya modern a latînî amade kirin (Gorgas 2014; Tejel 2006, 2009). Di vê serdemê de Cegerxwîn jî li Sûriyeyê bi cî bû û bi Celadet Bedirxan re xebitî û helbesta wî ya yekem di Hawarê de hat weşandin. Du helbestên ku kovara kurdî-frensî Hawarê dipesinîne nivîsandine (2008a, 147, 150–151) û bi yeka din jî pesnê Celadet dide (Cegerxwîn 2008a, 148–149). Hevkariya di navbera her duyan de ji hevpeyvîna Kendal Nezan a bi Cegerxwîn re ku li wir qal dike Celadet di şêwaza helbestvaniyê de çawa rêberiya wî kiriye, baş xuya dike (Cegerxwîn 1983). Her wiha Goran di helbesta xwe “Îlhamî Hawar” de, ku bixwe di Hawarê de weşiyaye, pesnê edîtorê kovarê, Celadet Bedirxan dide (Goran 2005, 151).6

Paul Robeson

Ew çax ew çi bû kir ku Goran û Cegerxwîn her du jî Robeson wek kesekî ku karibe deng bide bindestiya kurdan bibînin? Kurê xulamekî revok ê afrîkî amerîkî û lîstikvan, muzisyen û çalakgerê bo mafên sivîl ê binavûdeng Robeson (1898–1976) di sedsala 20mîn de di huner, çand, siyaset û dîroka afrîkî amerîkiyan de yek ji şexsiyetên herî navdar e (Dorinson 2002, 7; von Blum 1999, 100; Current 1976, 306).7 Wek rexnegirekî siyasî yê radîkal (Prashad 1997, 42; Weaver 1973–74, 28), Robeson bawer dikir ku “emperyalîzma amerîkî neyarê hemû hewldanên rizgarîxwaz e” (Weaver 1973–74, 28). Ji ber ku ew ne tenê ji bo berevaniya mafên afrîkî amerikiyên li Dewletên Yekbûyî lê ji bo hemû gelên bindest ên li cîhanê hewl dida, li her derê ew wek “berdevkê xwedî belaxat ê gelên bindest” dihate qebûlkirin (Osman 1979, 39). Di peywenda Şerê Sar ê cemserkirî (polarized) de, Robeson Yekitiya Sowyetan wek piştevanê gelên zalkirî didît. Bi qewlê Acklyn R. Lynch (1976), Robeson “heta dawiya emrê xwe her dem wek alîgirê Yekitiya Sowyetan, Çîn û gelên bindest ên seranserê cîhanê û neyarekî rikbar ê faşîzm û nijadperestiyê jiya” (231). Piştevaniya Robeson a bo Stalîn xaleke nîqaşbar bû. Wek mînak, nivîskarê afrîkî amerîkî James Baldwin îdia dikir ku Robeson “ji aliyê xwerexnekirinê kêm dima” (nql. Finger 1998). Di fîlmê belgeyî yê Bourne bo Paul Robeson (1999) de, Paul Robeson Jr. [kurê wî] û jiyanamenûsê Robeson Martin Duberman xaleke girîng binxêz dikin. Di serdana xwe ya bo Yekitiya Sowyetan de, Robeson ji zextên ser rewşenbîrên cihû, hevalê wî Isaac Fefer jî tê de ku digel ku di girtîgehê de bûye bo dîtina wî anîne, haydar dibe. Fefer ji Robeson re bi eşkereyî dibêje ku ew ditirse bê kuştin— û birra jî sê salên din tê kuştin. Martin Duberman di heman fîlmê belgeyî de diyar dike ku piştî hevdîtina wî ya bi Fefer re, Robeson di konsera xwe de strana berxwedana getoya Warşowayê dibêje (Bourne 1999; ji bo îfadeya Fefera di dadgehê de, bnr. Rubenstein û Naumov [2001, 78–109]). Bêjerên di fîlmê belgeyî de îma dikin ku ev performansa wî helwesteke piştevaniyê bû bo hevalê wî Fefer û rewşenbîrên din ên cihû ku di bin zexta rejîmê de bûn. Digel vê, piştî ku vedigere Dewletên Yekbûyî, bêjer dibêjin Robeson zextên li ser rewşenbîrên cihû yên li Yekitiya Sowyeta Stalîn înkar kiriye. Paul Robeson Jr. destnîşan dike ku a bavê wî “cîhaneke xirabiyên rolatîv” bû (Bourne 1999). Ji ber vê xuya ye ev girîng e ku di dema “pogroma veşartî ya Stalîn” de li ser kar bû, gotina wî ya strana berxwedana getoya Warşowayê ya li Yekitiya Sowyetan divê mirov di bîra xwe de tomar bike.

Robeson ji salên destpêka 1940î de ji aliyê FBI dihate şopandin û di navbera salên 1951 û 1958an de paseporta wî ya DY jê hatibû stendin (Perucci 2012, 1), ji ber ku “seyahata Robeson a bo derveyî welêt wê ne li gor berjewendiya Dewletên Yekbûyî bûya” (Turell 1979). Qedexeya li ser mafên wî yên seyahatê li seranserî cîhanê bû sedema bertekên mezin. Seferberiyek bi navê “Bihêlin bila Paul Robeson stranan bibêje” di 1955an de li Manchesterê hate destpêkirin û li her derê Brîtanyayê belav bû (Goodman 2013, xiii). Protestoyên mîna vê li hin welatên din, wek Kanada jî çêbûn (MacDowell2003).

Di navbera siyaseta Robeson û hunera wî de têkiliyeke nêz hebû; helwesta wî ya siyasî ya radîkal di performansên wî yên muzîkî de jî xwe nîşan dida. Weku Goodman (2013) dibêje, wek hunermendekî kariyera wî bi helwesta wî ya civakî û siyasî ji nêz ve elaqedar bû:

Her ku Robeson ji aliyê siyasî ve bi pêş ve ket, hunera wî jî guherî. Wî gelek ziman xwendibû lewma dikarî stranên gelêrî jî bi awayê wan ê resen bibêje û bi kesan re bipeyive. Wî hê nû Afrîka, dîrok, çand û têkoşîna wê ya siyasî nas kiribû û niha gelek zimanên afrîkî fêr dibû da ku bikare stranên gelêrî yên afrîkî têxe nav repertuara xwe ya konseran. (9–10)

Di konserên xwe yên li 25 welatan Robeson (Davis 1998, 209–215) xitabî têkoşînên mirovên ku ji ber rewşa wan a etnîk, neteweyî, nijadî û/an çînî marûzî dîskrîmînasyon, marjînalîzasyon û bêqîmetkirinê dibûn, dikir. Di nav vê peywendê de Robeson xîtabî têkoşîna “karkerên madenê yên îrlandî, gundiyên rûs, şervanên azadiyê yên çekoslovak, îrlandiyên şoreşger, girtiyên cihû yên li kampên komkirinê û gelekên din dikir” (von Blum 2008, 73). Helwesta Robeson a civakî û siyasî ya bi riya hunera wî, di vê gotina wî ya ku li ser kêla gora wî neqişandî eşkere dibe: “Hunermend mecbûr e ji bo azadî an ji bo xulamtiyê şer bike. Min a xwe hilbijart. Alternatîfeka min tunebû” (Swindall 2013, 83).

Prestîja Robeson a navneteweyî bala gelek helbestvan û nivîskarên radîkal kişand û hate teqdîrkirin. Du çavkaniyên derbarê jiyan û mîrata Robeson lîsteya helbestvan û nivîskarên ku bo wî helbest û pexşan terxan kirine, didin (Davis 1998, 303–314; Freedomways 1978, 257–317). Pablo Neruda û Nazım Hikmet di vê lîsteyê de ne. Lê hinek diyariyên din ji Rojhilata Navîn zêde tê de cî negirtine. Wek mînak, nivîskar û helbestvanê iraqî cihû Sasson Somekh helbestek di 1954an de bo Robeson terxan kiriye û “bindestiya reşikên amerîkî û ya cihûyên iraqî yên li Îsraîlê dişibîne hev” (Snir 2006, 105). Abdulla Goran û Cegerxwîn jî bo Robeson helbest nivîsandine lê xuya ye bi ber çavê amadekarê çavkaniyên çapkirî neketine (Davis 1998, 303–314; Freedomways 1978, 257–317).

“Bangêk bo Pol Ropsin” û “Heval Pol Robson”

Goran helbesta xwe di 1954an de nivîsandiye. Li ba helbesta Cegerxwîn ku ji 113 risteyan pêk tê, a Goran kurt e, 28 riste ye. Di destpêkê de wek bulbulî aştîxwaz xîtabî wî dike. Hin kesên bêhiş ku ji stranên wî aciz bûne hewl didin nehêlin stranan bibêje, aletên wî yên muzîkê dişikînin, baskên wî jê dikin:

Nayelin bêy, bo gelanî rojhelat / Nahêlin tu werî bo gelê Rojhilat
Beste bilêy tîj key agiriy xebat / Stranan bêjî agirê xebatê bilind bikî
Rojhelatman: lay rûnakiy aşinat e /Aliyê ronî yê Rojhilata me aşina ye bo te
Lay şewîşiy bêdar e, dilî lat e /Aliyê tarî yê Rojhilata me jî şiyar e û dilê wê bi te re ye Çawenwarîn qefesiy kon bişkênî / Çavê me li rê ye ku tu qefesê bişkênî
Pesaportiy deng le sinûr binwênî / Ku dengê xwe wek paseportê nîşan bidî li sînoran

Deng û stranên Robeson wek paseporta wî tê dîtin. “Dengê wî yê xweş” ku ji bo aştî û jiyanê dibêje, hemû nijadên cuda tîne ba hev:

Wa bixwênî ke spî û zerd legel reş / Wisa bêje ku spî û zer ligel reş
Gwêt bo şil ken wek yek dil û wek yek leş / Li te guhdarî bikin wek yek dil û wek yek laş Spî û zerd û reşiy rêgay yekgirtin / Di ruhê yekitiyê de, spî û zer û reş

Tînûwiy giyaniy goranît in, Pol Ropsin! / Tîne bo stranên te guhdar bikin Pol Robsin!

Goran di dawiya helbesta xwe de destnîşan dike ku ne tenê haya gelê Kurdistanê ji deng û stranên Robeson heye, lê wî yekî ji xwe dibînin:

Pol Ropsin! Ey Pol Ropsin! Ey Pol Ropsin! / Pol Robsin! Ey, Pol Robsin! Ey, Pol Robsin! Palewaniy aştî! Bulbuliy witn / Palewanê aşitiyê! Bilbilê dengbêjiyê
Ta naw doliy dûr û kilay Kurdistan / Ta newalên kûr û dûr ên Kurdistanê
Naw û dengit aşinan be gwêçkey însan / Navê te û dengê te nas dikin

Kuriy saway hewt salanim etnasê / Kurê min ê heft salî te nas dike
Nawit eba wek hiy mamiy dirawsê / Dema navê te dibêje, wek ku qala apê xwe bike

Helbesta Cegerxwîn “Heval Pol Robson” di dîwana wî ya duyem de, ku di 1954an de çap bûye, cî girtiye (Cegerxwîn 2008b, 97–101). Hêjayî gotinê ye ku ev helbest ji aliyê stranbêjê navdar Şivan Perwer (Perwer [1976] 2009) ve wek stran hatiye gotin. Bi riya strana Perwer, Paul Robeson û têkoşîna wî ya siyasî di nav kurdan de jî hatiye naskirin. Bi qewlê Hassanpour û Blum:

Muzîka Perwer di salên 1970yî de para wê di çoşbûna tevgerên neteweperwer û çepgir ên çandî û siyasî de hebû [ … ] Herî zêde bi stranên xwe yên siyasî ku giranî didan têkoşîna karker, gundî û tevgerên kurd ên neteweperwer û rizgarîxwaz dihate naskirin (2001,477).

“Heval Pol Robson” helbesteke dirêj e, ji heft beşan pêk tê, her yek bi “Ey heval Robson” dest pê dike. Her beşek bi vî awayî hatiye dirustkirin:

(1) Silavkirina Robeson, “dengbêjê cîhanê”8 û têkoşîna wî
(2) Behsa bindestiya gerdûnî ya ji ber kapîtalîst û faşîstan
(3) Çareseriya bi rêberiya Marks, Engels, Lenin, Stalin û Yekitiya Sowyetan (4) Şiyarbûna bindestan û şerê wan ê bo azadî û wekheviyê
(5–6–7), xewna Cegerxwîn a cîhaneke bê zordarî, newekhevî û kedxwarî

Helbest bi silava Cegerxwîn bo Robeson û nasandina wî û têkoşîna wî dest pê dike. Pesnê xebatên Robeson dide, ji ber ku ew bo “mirovan” e. Li gor Cegerxwîn, çalakgeriya Robeson mirovan teşwîq dike û xurt dike:9

Ey heval Robson
Dengbêjê cîhan, paşmêrê selam zana û însan Gernas û rênas, dijminê Dalas,
Di ser ava re, di ser çiya re
Rengê te ê reş tê ber çavê me,
Dengê te ê xweş, xweş tê guhê min
Ev xebata te didî me lerzan

Di risteke di pey van re diyar dike ku “Dallas” û MacCarthy ji hişyarbûna reşikan ditirsin. Ew ne tenê siyasetmedarên amerîkî ne ku Cegerxwîn rexne dike an ne tenê Robeson e ku Cegerxwîn piştevaniya wî dike. Bi dengvedana rewşa serdema xwe, dewleta tirkan jî wek hevalbendê DYyê di serdema Şerê Sar de rexne dike û ew ruhê wî yê rêhevaltiyê xwe di piştevaniya wî ya bo helbestvanê tirk Nazım Hikmetê xwedî navdariyeke navneteweyî ye û navbera salên 1938 û 1950 de di girtîgehêde maye, xuya dike. Enstîtuya Navneteweyî ya Dîroka Civakî tomar kiriye ku “di 1949an de seferberiyeke navneteweyî ji aliyê Tristan Tzara û Louis Aragon bo azadkirina Nazım Hikmet daye destpêkirin. Salek şûn de li Warşowayê xiyaben bi xelata aşitiyê hatiye xelatkirin, ku bi Paul Robeson û Pablo Neruda re parve kiriye” (International Institute of Social History, 2015). Nêzî wê demê DY Paul Robeson kir lîsteya reş, hevalbendê wê dewleta tirk jî Nazım Hikmet ji welatiyê derxist û li Tirkiyeyê helbestên wî hatin qedexekirin (bnr. pêvek 3 û 4). Piştevaniya Cegerxwîn bo Nazım Hikmet di helbesta wî “Peymana Tirk û Pakistan”ê de hatiye îfadekirin. Cegerxwîn xitabî Serokkomar Celal Bayar û Serokwezîrê tirk dike û dipirse: “Qêrîna Nazim qet nabihizî?” (2008b, 106).

Piştî helbestê silav dide Robeson wek humanîstekî reşik ku bo aşitiyê şer dike, beşa duyem qala azmûnên bindestiya hevpar ên çîn, netewe û nijadên cuda yên li seranserê cîhanê dike ku faşîst û zordar dibin sedem:

Ey heval Robson!
Ne tenê reşik ketin bin destan Em jî sipî ne mane perîşan, Reben, belengaz, bindest, çarereş Birçî û tazî, tev jar û nexweş, Gunhê me çi ye, ne sûc ne sebeb

Ketin bin destan ev kurd û ereb, Zencî û hindî em hemî însan Kê em hiştine wisa perîşan?

Peyvên reben, belengaz, perîşan, blindest, zordestî, zorkerî, dîl, jar, kole, koletî û koledar him di dîwana yekem de (Cegerxwîn 2008a, 17, 18, 19, 22–23, 35, 45, 49, 60, 63–64, 66–68, 69, 74, 80–81, 89–98, 122, 126, 129–130, 137, 166–167, 170, 173–174, 178–180, 184, 185–187, 208) him di a duyem de (Cegerxwîn 2008b, 19–21, 22–23, 26, 29–30, 31–32, 33–34, 35, 37, 38, 41–42, 47–48, 51–52, 56, 57, 58–59, 60, 63, 66, 67, 68–69, 76–77, 78–79, 93, 102, 121–132, 163–164, 165, 166, 173, 176, 177–178, 181, 183, 185–186, 195, 196–197, 198–199) alîgiriya wî ya bi israr a bo gelên bindest destnîşan dike. Pir girîng e ku, di gelek helbestên xwe de Cegerxwîn axa û şêxên kurd jî wek zordarên nav civaka kurd rexne dike. Lewma rexneyên xwe yên radîkal tenê li emperyalîzma rojavayî nagire —weku di helbesta xwe ya bo Robeson de dike— lê berê rexneyan dide çînên serdest ên “kevneşopî”yên civaka kurd jî, wek ku di helbesta xwe ya gelek rexneyî “Destê Te Maç Nakim” de dike (Yüksel 2014, 547–548). Çendîn referansên wî yên bo însan armanc dike bêyî ku li ciyawaziyên wan binêre wekheviya hemû mirovan û biratiya hemû gelan binxêz bike (Cegerxwîn 2008b, 78–79, 105–107). Beşa duyem bi bersiva pirsa “Kê em hiştine wisa perîşan?” bi dawî dibe: Ew “nizama faşîst em xistin bin dar, xwedî sermiyan, dezge, koledar”.

Beşa sêyem çareseriya bo bindestiya li cîhanê û valahiya navbera çînên xwedî-hêz, xwedî-imtiyaz, dewlemend û çînên jêrîn ên hejar û mexdûr binxêz dike. Çareseriya bo zordestiya li hemû cîhanê li dar e, Marks, Engels, Lenîn û Stalîn bû. Wek Robesonê ku “di Kanûna 1949an de bi eşkereyî rojbûna Joseph Stalîn pîroz kiribû” (Beeching 2002, 341), Cegerxwîn jî ji bo heftê saliya Stalîn helbesteke bi navê “Cejna Heftê Salê Stalîn” nivîsandiye (2008b, 83). Ji bo pesindana Stalîn jî helbestek nivîsandiye (2008b, 87–88) û yeke din jî piştî mirina dîktator nivîsandiye (2008b, 109–110) û bi rastî di berhemên wî de gelek risteyên ku pesnê Stalin didin hene. Li aliyê din, Goran tu helbestê ku pesnê Stalîn didin çap nekiriye, lê du helbestên xwe bo Lenîn terxan kirine: “Rêgay Lenîn” û “Yadiy Lenîn” (2005, 227, 313). Helbestek jî bo berzkirina Moskowê, bi navê “Moskoy Ciwan” nivîsandiye (2005, 226). Helbesta wî “Makartî” MacCarthy karîkaturîze dike (Goran 2005, 295).

Beşa çaremîn bo hişyarkirina bindestan hatiye terxankirin ku rabin ser xwe û berê çekan bidin zordaran. Cegerxwîn li vir qala çek, şer, ceng û “kuştina koledaran” dike:

Ey heval Robson,
Karker û rêncber, cotyar şiyar bûn Reben perîşan bi hev re rabûn,
Bi tang û bi top, diçin şer û ceng

…
Li her der qîrîn li her der hewar,
Li hawir bû deng
Dixwazin azadî, serbestî wekhevî, Narevin…
Lê dijmin ditirsî, direvî, direvî…,
Çi reşik, çi spî, belengaz bûn heval Dikujin koledar, xwedîgund, xwedîmal, Berepaş direvin bayloz, xanedan

Referansdayîna Cegerxwîn a bo çek û şer taybetmendiyek e ku di gelek helbestên wî de cî digire (2008a, 16–17, 44, 70–72, 79, 89–98, 123–124, 125, 126, 133, 134, 140, 164; 2008b, 60, 66, 113–115, 116–120, 121–132, 142). Cegerxwîn îma dike ku kurd û hemû kesên mezlûm encax bi riya şer dikarin mafên xwe bi dest bixin. Ev referansa bo şidetê şîroveya Fanon (2004) tîne bîra mirov ku digot gelên mêtinkirî tenê bi riya şidetê dikarin rûmeta xwe ku ji aliyê mêtingeriya ku ew bi xwe jî bi tivingê hatiye, bi awayekî cidî hatiye birîndarkirin, bi dest bixin: “Di asta şexsî de, şidet hêzeke paqijiyê ye. Ew hesta wan xwe-kêmdîtinê, pasîfbûnê û bêhêvîtiyê paqij dike. Ew wan wêrek dike û xwebaweriya wan nû dike” (51). Xuya ye ne tenê Cegerxwîn lê Robeson jî di vê baweriyêde ye. Ji bo Robeson, mirov dikare serî li guherînên di gotinên strana “Old Man River” de bide. Di konsereke xwe ya bo piştevaniya leşkerên Komarxwaz ên di Şerê Navxweyî yê Ispanyayê de gotinên stranê ji vî awayî guherîbû: “Ez ji jiyanê westiyame û ji mirinê ditirsim” bo “Heta mirinê divê em şer bidomînin” (Turell 1979). Dûre ew guherî, kir: “Heta ez bimrim divê şerê xwe bidomînim” (Robeson 2008). Dikare bê îdiakirin ku dema mirov referansên wan ên bo şer datîne ba referansên wan ên bo piştevanî û hewldanên bo aşitiyê, ne Cegerxwîn ne jî Robeson şidetê bo hedefên mîlîtarîst berz nakin. Di gelek helbestên xwe de, Goran û Cegerxwîn gotinên aştî, haşitî, selam, aştîxwaziyê binxêz dikin, ev jî piştrast dike ku ew şer, ceng naxwazin û rexne li şer digirin (Cegerxwîn 2008b, 65, 73–75, 80–82, 84, 85–86, 89–92, 94–96, 103–104, 133–136, 181, 182; Goran 2005, 309, 311–312, 317).

Lê hewesek bi vî rengî bo kampanyayên bo aşitî û piştevaniya nevneteweyî yên bi serkêşiya Sowyetan, ne ku bê problem bû. Di nav şert û mercên Şerê Sar de di nav stratejiyên hêzên mezin de piştevanî bêguman û bi taybetî çepgir, navneteweyî û rizgarîxwaz bû. Ji ber vê, ji şert û mercên serdemê ne azade bû. Ji piştevaniya Komarxwazên di Şerê Navxweyî yê Ispanyayê de (1936-39) heta kampanyaya bo ‘aşitiya cîhanî’ ya di 1950yî de û piştevaniya bo tevgerên rizgariyê yên li welatên nepêşketî di 1970 û 1980yî de, Gleb J. Albert (2014) destnîşan dike ku “Yekitiya Sowyetan di dîroka piştevaniya netewebuhêr de ciyekî taybet tijî dike” (501). Piştgiriya Sowyetan a bo piştevaniya şoreşger a navneteweyî jî di nav karên global de bo berjewendiyên Sowyetan yên stratejîk dihate bikaranîn. Bi gotineke din, siyaseta piştevaniya bi serkêşiya Sowyetan bo derveyî welêt dikir ku bala navneteweyî nekişînin ser zordariya navxweyî. A din, weku Albert di lêkolîna xwe de ya derbarê nameyên welatiyên Sowyet bo beşdarbûna şerê li Ispanyayê bibin, pir baş destnîşan dike ku seferberiya piştevaniyê derfetek bû ku “bi awayekî fizîkî ji çewsandina li welêt dûr bikevin” (Albert 2014, 511). Yanê a rast, ne piştevaniya şoreşger a navneteweyî, ne jî serkêşiya wê ya ji aliyê Yekitiya Sowyetan ji rexneyan azade ye, bi taybetî jî ji ber ku her du jî bi qasî ku nakokiyên wan ên navxweyî hebûn, sînorkirinên wan jî hebûn. Weku Charlotte Alston jî (2014) di destpêka “Transnational Solidarities and the Politics of the Left, 1890–1990”de (Piştevaniyên Netewebuhêr û Siyaseta Çepgir, 1890-1990”) ku di hejmareke taybet a European Review of History: Revue européenned’histoire de çap bûye, zelal dike:

Tevkariyên li vir bi têgeha piştevaniyê re muameleya têkilî danîn, berjewendî û armancên hevpar dikin û li sînorên têgehê jî dinêrin, dipirsin. Dema çalakger gelek caran wek awayek alîkariya bo ewên nikarin xwe temsîl bikin hewldanên xwe pêşkêş dikin, ne hewce ye ku piştevaniya wan ilhes bi awayê fedakariyê be. Ev dikare taktîk be ku ihtimal hebe qezencên hewleke hevpar hebin û ev dikare pir şexsî be jî. (448)

Ji ber vê, fikra piştevaniyê xizmeta armanca gihandina dengê gelê kurd jî dike û bi vê wateyê, divê bi awayekî besît wek fedakarî neyê dîtin. Piştî ku di çar beşên ewil de sedemên çewisandina li cîhanê, û çareseriya xwe ya ku pêşniyaz dike, û hêviyên xwe yên hişyarbûna bindestan vedibêje, Cegerxwîn sê beşên dawîn bo çêkirina rismê cîhaneke bextewar ku ji çewisandin, kedxwarî û newekheviyan azade ye û aşitî, wekhevî û başî lê hukim dajo, terxan dike. Di cîhana Cegerxwîn de ku ew disêwirîne, tixûb, paseport tuneye, û bêyî ku kî spî kî reş e, her kes xweh û bira ne. Di vê cîhana bextewar a sêwirandî de, Cegerxwîn li bendê ye Robeson bi “dengê xwe yê xweş” stranan bibêje. Ev cîhan bo her kesî jiyaneke bi rûmet dabîn dike:

Ey heval Robson!

Ev cîhana xweş

Besî teva ye çi sipî çi reş, Dewlemend serbilind,
Tev bi hev re rind…,
Nemînin sêwî, birçî û tazî
Ne kuştin, ne şer, ne qîr, ne gazî

Cegerxwîn van peyvan gelek caran bi kar tîne: serbilind, serbilindî, serefraz/serfiraz û rûmet (2008a, 20–21, 46, 58–59, 70–72, 89–98, 104–105, 115, 119, 126, 128, 131–132, 136, 138–139, 159; 2008b 29–30, 38, 41–42, 63, 64, 66, 67, 121–132, 163–164, 191). Wek Robesonê ku gelek caran binê rûmeta mirovatiyê xêz dike, peyvên kurdî ku li dû hev

tên dûbarekirin jî di peywenda (pişt)mêtingeriyê de yek ji lavahiyên Aimé Césaire yên îdealên humanîst tîne bîra mirov, di heman demê de Fanon jî (1967a). Dema Césaire “mêtingeriyê wek tiştkirin (thingification)” binxêz dike, Fanon tunebûna xwe-qîmeta gelên mêtinkirî wek encama nexweşiyên ku mêtingeriyê bi xwe re aniye, analîz dike.

Encam

Wek du helbestvanên kurd ên herî navdar ên sedsala bîstemîn, ku bi du zaravayên sereke yên kurdî nivîsandine, Goran û Cegerxwîn ji têkoşînên siyasî yên humanîst û pêşverû yên serdema xwe haydar bûne. Bi xîtabkirina bo Robeson û destnîşankirina wan a çewisandina gelên ji nijad, çîn û neteweyên cuda, her du helbestvanên kurd jî mînaka piştevaniya bo “hejarên cîhanê” ne. Goran û Cegerxwîn têkoşîna mafên sivîl ên afrîkî amerîki ên li DYyê bi ya gelên din ên mezlûm ve, kurd jî tê de girê didin. Pesnên Goran û Cegerxwîn ên humanîst, dij-nijadperest û dij-mêtinger bo Robeson di piştevaniya bi gelên bindest ên seranserî cîhanê de asoya wan a global diyar dike. Bi zaravayên xwe, kurmancî û soranî xîtabkirina wan bo Robeson, Goran û Cegerxwîn şexsiyetê Robeson û têkoşîna wî ya siyasî di qada çand, siyaset û civaka kurdî de didin naskirin.

Digel ku Robeson li Rojhilata Navîn tenê serdana Misrê kiriye (Davis 1998, 209– 215), haya wî ji hunermendên wek wî xwedî hişmendiyeke pêşverû yên ji Rojhilata Navîn hebû. Bi rastî, tê zanîn ku wî hin helbestên Nazım Hikmet, yên wek “Keça Piçûk a Mirî” kirine stran (O Castendo 2009). Em nizanin ka Robeson çiqas haya wî ji kurdan, bindestiya wan û helbestên ku Goran û Cegerxwîn bo wî nivîsandibûn, çêbûye. Gelo wê bersiva Robeson bo van pesindayinên Goran û Cegerxwîn çi bûya? Li gor gotinên wî ku di hevpeyvînekê de kiribûn, mirov dikare texmîn bike ku wê têkoşîna kurdan wek parçeyek “ji têkoşîna hevpar a gelên bindest” himbêz bikira (Robeson 1958).

SPASÎ

Ez spasdar im bo Saziya Lêkolînên Zanistî û Teknolojîk ya Tirkiyê, ku bi riya bûrsa xwe bi hejmara 2219 a bo postdoktorayê, di havîna sala 2014an de li Zanîngeha Torontoyê piştgiriya nivîsandina vê gotarê kiriye. Dixwazim spasiya Enstîtuya Lêkolînê ya Amerîkî ya li Tirkiyeyê, Enstîtuya Kurdî ya Parîsê, li Enqereyê Arşîvên Tirk ên Serokweziriyê jî bikim ku alîkariya min kirin. Profesor Amir Hassanpour, Hamit Bozarslan, Ömer Faruk Yekdeş, Mezher Yüksel, Ariel Salzmann, Zozan Pehlivan, Orit Bashkin, Kamal Soleimani, Celîlê Celîl û rexnegirên bênav ên JPW bo hurgiliyên taybet agahiyên bêhempa dan min. Versiyoneke vê gotarê li Stenbolê 19ê Sibata 2015an de li Zanîngeha Üsküdarê di sempozyûma “Rûbirûbûna Kodên Oryantalîst: Nêrînên Postkolonyal” de hatiye pêşkêşkirin.

1 Ev gotar, wergera vê ye: “Solidarity without borders: The poetic tributes to Paul Robeson of Goran and Cegerxwîn”, Journal of Postcolonial Writing 51: 5 (2015), 556-573. Em spasdar in bo edîtora Journal of Postcolonial Writingê ku destûra weşandina wergera kurdî ya vê gotarê daye kovara Zaremayê (wer. F. A.).

2 Soranî, zaravayê jêrîn ê zimanê kurdî, bi elfebeya piçekî guherandî ya erebî-farisî tê nivîsan- din. Li ser şopa Joyce Blau (2008, 219), veguhastina min a ji soranî li gor kurmancî ye ku zaravayê jorîn ê zimanê kurdî ye û bi tîpên latînî tê nivîsandin.

3 Profesor Celîlê Celîl ku lêkolînerekî dîroka modern a kurdan e û li Sowyetan perwerde bûye, di ragihandineke taybet de, diyar kir ku tevî hin rewşenbîrên din ji kurdên Ermenistana Sowyetê, di serdaneke wî de bi Goran re wêne girtiye.

4 Bo jînenîgariya Cegerxwîn min xwe spart Keith Hitchins ku tevî analîza helbestên wî jînenîgariya wî daye (2012b). Qanatê Kurdo (2010, 186–188) jî jînenîgeriya Cegerxwîn daye. Çavkaniyeke ji destê yekem a nadîde vîdeoya hevpeyvîna bi Cegerxwîn re bû ku li Parîsê di 1983yan de serokê Enstîtuya Kurdî ya Parîsê bi wî re kiribû. Spas bo Abdullah Ke- skin ku bala min kişand ser vê. Spas bo kanala televizyonê KURD1ê jî ku li Parîsê kopiyek vê hevpeyvînê da min.

5 Ev du belge ji Arşîva Komara Tirkiyê ya Serokwezîriyê ne (BCA – Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivleri) li ser qedexekirina dîwanên Cegerxwîn li Tirkiyeyê ne. Referansên wan weha ne: BCA Fon Kodu: 030. 18. 01. 02, Yer No: 110. 5. 15, 10/1/1946; BCA Fon Kodu: 030. 18. 01. 02, Yer No: 139.42. 2, 6/5/1955. [Ev her du belge jî di tez û yek ji wan jî di miqaleya nivîskar de ku li jor referans hatibû dayîn, cî girtine. Herçend di vê maqaleya îngilîzî de cî negirtibin jî, me ji nivîskar ev her du belge bi dest xistin û di pêveka 1 û 2yan de anîn ber destê xwendevanên kurdî (wergêr: F.A.)].

6 Divê ev bê diyarkirin ku Hawar li Tirkiyeyê bi biryara ku Serokkomar û Hikumetê îmze kiribûn, hatibû qedexekirin. Belgeyên resen ên bo vê biryarê jî di BCA de peyda dibin: Fon Kodu: 030. 18. 01. 02, Yer No: 29. 43. 13, 30/5/932. Nameya dirêj a Celadet Bedirxan bo Mustafa Kemal jî li Tirkiyeyê hatibû qedexekirin: BCA Fon Kodu: 030. 18. 01. 02, Yer No: 47. 54. 16, 1/8/934. Lêkolînerek nameya Celadet a sala 1933 wek “teksta ewilîn a lîteratura kurdolojiyê” binav dike (Keskin 2012, 11–12).

7 Ji bo jînenîgariya Robeson, bnr. Robeson (1988). Foner (1978) nivîs, axaftin û hevpeyvînên Robeson aniye ba hev. Paul Robeson Jr. du pirtûk li ser bavê xwe weşandine (2001, 2010). Bnr. Duberman (1995), û filmê belgeyî yê Turell (1979) û Bourne (1999).

8 Dengbêj: bi îngilîzî bard, minstrel an oral poet, singer û composer.

9 Minetar im bo Evdila Dirêj ku hin peyvên di helbestê de bo min rave kir.

ÇAVKANÎ

Ahmed, Amr Taher. 2012. “La poésie de Goran, d’Est en Ouest [Helbestên Goran, ji Rojhilat bo Rojava]. Études kurdes 11: 65–80.

Albert, Gleb J. 2014. “To Help the Republicans Not Just by Donations and Rallies, but with the Rifle’: Militant Solidarity with the Spanish Republic in the Soviet Union, 1936–1937.”European Review of History: Revue Européenne d’Histoire 21 (4): 501–518.

Alston, Charlotte. 2014.“Transnational Solidarities and the Politics of the Left, 1890–1990: Introduction.”Nav Transnational Solidarities and the Politics of the Left, 1890–1990 de, edit. ji aliyê Charlotte Alston. Special Issue of European Review of History: Revue Européenne d’Histoire 21 (4): 447–450.

Anderson, Benedict. 2006. Imagined Communities. London and New York: Verso. Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, û Helen Tiffin. 1998. Key Concepts in Postcolonial Studies. London and New York: Routledge.

Bajalan, Djene Rhys. 2013. “Between Conformism and Separatism: A Kurdish Students’Association in Istanbul 1912 to 1914.”Middle Eastern Studies 49 (5): 805–823. Bashkin, Orit. 2009. The Other Iraq: Pluralism and Culture in Hashemite Iraq. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Beeching, Barbara J. 2002. “Paul Robeson and the Black Press: The 1950 Passport Controversy.” The Journal of African American History 87: 339–354.

Blau, Joyce. 2008. Methode de Kurde: Sorani [Method of Kurdish: Sorani]. Paris: L’Harmattan.

Blau, Joyce. 2009. “Kurdish Language İi. History of KurdishStudies.” Encyclopaedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kurdish-language-ii-history-of-kurdish-studies.

von Blum, Paul. 1999. “Expanding the African-American Studies Curriculum: ‘Paul Robeson: An American Life.’”Pennsylvania History: Paul Robeson (1898–1976): A Centennial Symposium 66 (1): 100–108.

von Blum, Paul. 2008. “Paul Robeson: The Quintessential Public Intellectual.”The Journal of Pan African Studies 2 (7): 70–81.

Blum, Stephen, û Amir Hassanpour. 1996. “The Morning of Freedom Rose Up’: Kurdish Popular Song and the Exigencies of Cultural Survival.” Popular Music 15 (3): 325–343.

Boehmer, Elleke. 2005. Colonial and Postcolonial Literatures: Migrant Metaphors. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bourne, St.Clair, (dir.) 1999. Paul Robeson: Here I Stand. Educational Broadcasting Corporation (DVD).

Bozarslan, Hamit. 2002. “Kürd Milliyetçiliği ve Kürd Hareketi (1898–2000) [Neteweperweriya Kurd ûTevgera Kurd (1898–2000)]. “Nav Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Milliyetçilik [Political Thought in Modern Turkey: Nationalism], edit. ji aliyê Tanıl Bora, 841–870. İstanbul: İletişim.

Bozarslan, Hamit. 2008. “Türkiye’de Kürt Sol Hareketi [Li TirkiyeyêTevgera Çep a Kurd].”In Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Sol [Li Tirkiyeya Modern Fikrên Siyasî: Çepitî, edit. ji aliyê Murat Gültekingil, 1169–1207. İstanbul: İletişim.

van Bruinessen, Martin. 1992. Agha, Shaikh and State: Social and Political Organization in Kurdistan. London: Zed.

van Bruinessen, Martin. (2003–04) 2005. “Ismail Beşikçi: Turkish Sociologist, Critic of Kemalism, and Kurdologist.”The Journal of Kurdish Studies 5: 19–34.

Cegerxwîn. 1983. Unpublished video-taped Interview in Paris with Kendal Nezan. Cegerxwîn. 2003. Hayat Hikayem [Jiyana Min]. İstanbul: Evrensel.

Cegerxwîn. 2008a. Agir ûPirûsk [Fire and Lightening]. Stenbol: Avesta. Cegerxwîn. 2008b. Sewra Azadî [The Revolution of Freedom]. Stenbol: Avesta. Cegerxwîn. 2011. Kîme Ez [Who am I?]. Stenbol: Avesta.

Celîl, Celîl. 1998. 1880 Şeyh Ubeydullah Nehri Kürt Ayaklanması [Serhildana Kurd a Şêx Ubeydullah Nehri].

İstanbul: Pêrî.

Césaire, Aimé. 2000. Discourse on Colonialism. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Chatty, Dawn. 2010. Displacement and Dispossession in the Modern Middle East. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

Chyet, Michael L. 2003. Kurdish-English Dictionary. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Current, Gloster B. 1976. “Paul Robeson (1898–1976).” The Black Perspective in Music 4 (3):

302–306.

Davis, Lenwood G. 1998. A Paul Robeson Handbook: Everything You Want to Know about Paul Robeson. Kearney:Morris Publishing.

Dorinson, Joseph. 2002. “Introduction.”In Paul Robeson: Essays on His Life and Legacy, edit. ji aliyêJoseph

Dorinson ûWilliam Pencak, 7–10. London: McFarland and Co.

Duberman, Martin. 1995. Paul Robeson: A Biography. New York: Knopf.

Fanon, Frantz. 1967a. Black Skin, White Masks. New York: Grove Press.

Fanon, Frantz. 1967b. Toward the African Revolution. New York: Grove Press. Fanon, Frantz. 2004. The

Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.

Finger, Barry. 1998. “Paul Robeson: A Flawed Martyr.”New Politics 7 (1). http://nova.wpunj.edu/ newpolitics/issue25/finger25.htm.

Foner, Philip S., ed. 1978. Paul Robeson Speaks: Writings, Speeches, Interviews. New York: Brunner/Mazel Publishers.

Freedomways, ed. 1978. Paul Robeson: The Great Forerunner. New York: Dodd, Mead û Co. Goodman, Jordan. 2013. Paul Robeson: A Watched Man. London: Verso.

Goran, Abdulla. 2005. Diwaniy Goran [Goran’s Collection of Poetry]. Tehran: Paniz.

Gorgas, Jordi Tejel. 2014. “The Kurdish Cultural Movement in Mandatory Syria and Lebanon: An Unfinished Project of ‘National Renaissance’, 1932–46.”Iranian Studies 47 (5): 839–855.

Guan‐Fu, Gu. 1983. “Soviet Aid to the Third World: An Analysis of Its Strategy.” Soviet Studies35 (1): 71–89.

Hassanpour, Amir, û Stephen Blum. 2001. “Şivan Perwer.”Di nav The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. C. 19, 477. London: Macmillan.

Hinderliter, Beth. 2014. “An International Alliance of ‘Colored Humanity’: Robert Williams in Asia.”In Alternative Solidarities: Black Diasporas and Cultural Alliances during the Cold War, edit. Monic Popescue, Cedric Toliver, û Julie Tolliver. Special Issue of Journal of Postcolonial Writing 50 (4): 437–451.

Hitchins, Keith. 1993. “Abdulla Goran.”Di nav Encyclopedia of World Literature in the 20th Century. C. 5, edit: Steven R. Serafin, 263–264. New York: Continuum.

Hitchins, Keith. 2012a. “Goran, Abdallah Solayman.”Encyclopaedia Iranica. Gihandin Nîsan 30, 2015. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/goran-2

Hitchins, Keith. 2012b. “Jagarkwin.”Encyclopaedia Iranica. Gihandin Nîsan 30, 2015. http://www. iranicaonline.org/articles/jagarkwin International Institute of Social History. 2015. “A Special Collection: Nazim Hikmet.” Gihandin 30 April. http://www.iisg.nl/collections/hikmet/

Jwaideh, Wadie. 1963. The Kurdish Nationalist Movement: Its Origins and Development.Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press.

Keskin, Mesut. 2012. “Ata’ya Yazılanın Marjına Kısa Bir Methiye-i Mukaddime [A Short Introductory Eulogy on the Margins of what has been Written to Ata[turk]].”Mustafa Kemal’e Mektup [Letter to Mustafa Kemal],

Celadet AlîBedirxan, 7–12. İstanbul: Avesta.

Klein, Janet. 2000. “Proverbial Nationalism: Proverbs in Kurdish Nationalist Discourse of the Late Ottoman Period.”The International Journal of Kurdish Studies 14 (1/2): 7–26.

Kurdish Aspect: Kurdish News and Point of View. 2015. “Abdulla Goran.”Dîroka Gihanê: 30. http://www.kurdishaspect.com/AbdullaGoran.html

Kurdo, Qanatê. 2010. Tarîxa Edebiyata Kurdî[History of Kurdish Literature]. Amed: Lîs. Lynch, Acklyn R. 1976. “Paul Robeson: His Dreams Know No Frontiers.”The Journal of Negro

Education 45 (3): 225–234.

MacDowell, Laurel Sefton. 2003. “Paul Robeson in Canada: A Border Story.”Labour/Le Travail 51: 177–221.

Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. 2003. Feminism without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Nassar, Maha. 2014. “‘My Struggle Embraces Every Struggle’: Palestinians in Israel and Solidarity with Afro-Asian Liberation Movements.”Arab Studies Journal 22 (1): 74–101. O Castendo. 2009. “The Little Dead Girl: Words by Nazim Hikmet; as Sung by Paul Robeson.”January 8. http://ocastendo.blogs.sapo.pt/525922.html.

Olson, Robert W. 1989. The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Osman, Mohamed Adam. 1979. “An Eloquent Spokesman for Oppressed People Everywhere.”In Dimensions of the Struggle against Apartheid: A Tribute to Paul Robeson: Proceedings of Special Meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid on the 80th Anniversary of the Birth of Paul Robeson, 10. April 1978, edited by John Henrik Clarke, 38–42. New York: African Heritage Studies Association, Publications Center.

Perucci, Tony. 2012. Paul Robeson and the Cold War Performance Complex: Race, Madness, Activism. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.

Perwer, Şivan. (1976) 2009. “Ey Heval Pol Robeson.”Dîroka gihanê: 7, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FSANWWuAtD4

Prashad, Vijay. 1997. “Comrade Robeson: A Centennial Tribute to an American Communist.” Social Scientist 25 (7–8): 39–50.

Robeson, Paul. 1958. Interview with Elsa Knight Thompson and Harold Winkler. Pacifica Radio station KPFA, Berkeley, CA. February 8. Accessed August 11, 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDb9nM_iiXw

Robeson, Paul. 1988. Here I Stand. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

Robeson, Paul. 2008.“Old Man River.”YouTube. April 24. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEQEeNhtosg

Robeson Jr., Paul. 2001. The Undiscovered Paul Robeson: An Artist’s Journey, 1898–1939. New York: Wiley.

Robeson Jr., Paul. 2010. The Undiscovered Paul Robeson: Quest for Freedom, 1939–1976. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Rubenstein, Joshua, ûVladimir P. Naumov. 2001. Stalin’s Secret Pogrom: The Postwar Inquisition of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Sapire, Hilary. 2009. “Liberation Movements, Exile, and International Solidarity: An Introduction.”Journal of Southern African Studies 35 (2): 271–286.

Sluglett, Peter. 2015. “Mustafa Barzani.”Di nav Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., edit. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W. P. Heinrichs. Brill Online. http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/mustafa-barzani- SIM_5608?s.num=1&s.au=%22Sluglett%2C+P.%22.

Snir, Reuven. 2006. “‘Till Spring Comes’: Arabic and Hebrew Literary Debates among Iraqi-Jews in Israel (1950–2000).”Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (2): 92–123.

Swindall, Lindsey R. 2013. Paul Robeson: A Life of Activism and Art. New York: Rowman and Littlefield.

Tejel, Jordi. 2006. “Les Constructions de l’identitékurde sous l’influence de la ‘connexion kurdo française’auLevant (1930–1946) [The Constructions of Kurdish Identity Under the Influence of the ‘Kurdish-French Connection’in the Levant (1930–1946)].”European Journal of Turkish Studies 5 [online].

Tejel, Jordi. 2009. Syria’s Kurds: History, Politics and Society. London: Routledge. Thörn, Håkan. 2006. “Solidarity across Borders: The Transnational Anti-Apartheid Movement.”VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 17 (4): 285–301.

Tolliver, Cedric. 2014. “Alternative Solidarities.”Destpêk bo “Alternative Solidarities: Black

Diasporas and Cultural Alliances during the Cold War.”edit. Monic Popescue, Cedric Toliver, û Julie Tolliver. Special issue of Journal of Postcolonial Writing 50 (4): 379–383. Tolliver,Julie-Françoise. 2014.

“Césaire/Lumumba:A Season of Solidarity.”In Alternative Solidarities: Black Diasporas and Cultural Alliances during the Cold War, edited by Monic Popescue, Cedric Toliver, and Julie Tolliver. Special Issue of Journal of Postcolonial Writing 50 (4): 398–409.

Turell, Saul J., dir. 1979. Paul Robeson: Tribute to an Artist. The Criterion Collection (DVD). Vali, Abbas. 2011. Kurds and the State in Iran: The Making of Kurdish Identity. London: I. B. Tauris.

Weaver Jr., Harold D. 1973–1974. “Paul Robeson: Beleaguered Leader.”The Black Scholar 5 (4): 24-32.

West, Stephen. 2012. “Nikita Khrushchev’s Support for Developing Regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1955 to 1964.”Colgate Academic Review 3: 224–241.

Young, Robert J. C. 2001. Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell. Yüksel, Metin. 2011. “Dengbêj, Mullah, Intelligentsia: The Survival and Revival of the Kurdish Kurmanji Language in the Middle East, 1925–1960.”PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago.

Yüksel, Metin. 2014. “I Cry out So That You Wake up: Cegerxwîn’s Poetics and Politics of Awakening.”Middle Eastern Studies 50 (4): 536–553.

Zaborowska, Magdalena J. 2009. James Baldwin’s Turkish Decade: Erotics of Exile. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Piştgiriya Sînornenas: diyariyên Helbestkî Yên Goran û Cegerxwîn Bo Paul Robeson

Vejandina Zimanê Îbranî

Nûrealîzma Îtalî, Yilmaz Guney û Hêvî

Tehlîlek di Peywenda Teorîya Monomîtê de li ser Çîroka “Meymûn Xanim û Mîrze Memûd”

Leave A Reply Cancel Reply

Piştgiriya Sînornenas: diyariyên Helbestkî Yên Goran û Cegerxwîn Bo Paul Robeson

Related Posts

Vejandina Zimanê Îbranî

Nûrealîzma Îtalî, Yilmaz Guney û Hêvî

Tehlîlek di Peywenda Teorîya Monomîtê de li ser Çîroka “Meymûn Xanim û Mîrze Memûd”

Leave A Reply Cancel Reply