Neteweperwerî û Xîlafet di Nivîsên Seîd Nûrsî yên Pêş-Sirgunê de

Neteweperwerî û Xîlafet di Nivîsên Seîd Nûrsî yên Pêş-Sirgunê de

KAMAL SOLEIMANI – JI ÎNG: FEXRÎYA ADSAY

Di eslê xwe de, armanca dîn ji xizmeta milet pê ve ne tiştek e.

– Abdulmelik Fırat*

Bedîuzzeman Seîd Kurdî an Nûrsî (1876-1960) melayekî Kurd bû ku gelek tişt nivîsandîne. Nûrsî di medreseyên cuda de perwerde bûye û bi civata Kurd re jî têkilîyên wî nêz hebûn.1 Jîyana wî ya pêş-sirgunîyê nîşaneyek din e ku etno-neteweperwerî çawa bandor dike li ser şîroveya yekî ya dînî. Nûrsî alîgirekî heweskar ê meşrûtîyetê, neyarekî tûj ê dewleta Hemîdî û berîya sirgûna wî ya sala 1925a di sîyaseta Kurd de şexsîyetêkî çalak bû. Berhemên wî bi gelek awayî, tirs, endîşe û tevlihevîya pêşengên dînî yê wê dewrê dest nîşan dikin. Nivîsên Bedîuzeman ên pêş-sirgunîyê (1907-1925) sê meylên sereke ku piranî tevkarîya fikrên wî kirine raber dike: a) geşbûna neteweperwerîya Kurd; b) Meşrûtîyeta Osmanî û sîyaseta dij-Hemîdî; û c) di fikrîyata Îslamî de zêdebûna tevhevbûna dîn û neteweperwerîyê.

Berovajî nêrînên bi gelemperî tên pejirandin, Îslam li hember hişmendîya xwetîya etnîk a Kurd û Tirk ne manî bû.2 Nivîsên şexsîyetên îkonîk ên wek Seîd Nûrsî mînakên mukemel ên bandora neteweperwerîyê ne. Lê dîsa tê îdiakirin ku Nûrsî bi temamî li hember hemû awayên neteweperwerîyê bûye. Wek mînak, Mardîn dibêje:

Tê gotin Seîd Nûrsî di nav damezrênerê vê komeleyê de [Kurdistan Teali Cemîyeti] bûye. Lê, li vir lazim e hin xal li ber çavan be ku, a rast, Seîd ji tawanbarîya cudaxwazîyê xilas dike. Wî di yekem civîna giştî ya komeleyê de di nav rêvebirîya hilbijartî de cî nedigirt. Ji alîyê lêkolînerê ku derbarê komeleyê de berfirehtirîn agahî dane hev, navê wî wek damezrêner derbas nabe (Tunaya, II, 1986, 186f.). Ew dîyar dike, ew her tim li dijî neteweperwerîyê bû ku li gor wî doktrîneke pir xirab bû ji ber ku di nav pêgirtîyên Îslamê de rê li ber parçebûnê vedikir.3 (îtalîk lê hatîye zêdekirin)

Nivîsên Nûrsî bi xwe dîyar dikin ku wî jî neteweperwerî bi du kategorîyan dabeş dikir: erênî û nerênî. Li gor wî neteweperwerî tiştekî erênî bû hindî ku hebûn û mafên êndin înkar neke.4 Pênaseya Nûrsî ya netewetîyê ya derbarê neteweperwerîya giştî û neteweperwerîya Kurd têra xwe zelal e dema dibêje netewetî rehên wê di dengên qehremanên rabirdûyê de ye ku “di konekî li serê çîya wek yek malbat civîyane… ferman didin we ku bibin yek ruh ê yekitîya milet temsîl dike. Ev înfilaqa şewqa miletperwerekî ye ku di mezîyetên ehlaqî de serkeftî ye.”5

Di rewşa Kurda de, Îslam bûbû nîşaneya nasnameya etno-neteweyî. Nivîsên Nûrsî yên pêş-sirgûnê vê rastîyê eşkere dikin. Nûrsî gelek hêjahîyên xwe yî dînî û etnîk atfî Kurdbûna xwe dike. Ev meyl ku resenîya yekî ya dînî bi etnîsîteya wî ve dihat girêdan, di dawîya sedsala 19mîn de dest pê kiribû. Di sedsala 20mîn de jî dewam kir û gelek rehend lê zêde bûn.6 Bi taybetî, di nav Kurda de, serhildana 1880a ku pêşengtîya wê ji alîyê Neqşîbendîyê Kurd Şêx Ubeydulah Nehrî ve hat kirin manîfestoya vê boçûnê bû.7 Belgeyên Osmanî yên îdarî eşkere dikin ku ev serhildana taybet -ku tevhevbûna dîn û neteweperîya Kurd sembolîze dike- bi giştî li ser sîyaseta Kurd bandoreke mezin kirîye.8

Ji hin alîyan ve, sîyaseta Kurd bêtir xumamî kir, ji ber ku hin aktor qanih kir ku serxwebûna Kurdistanê bêyî alîkarîya derve wê ne gengaz be. Lê, wateyek nû jî da Kurdayetîyê û bû kanîya îlham û nememnûnîyeta berdewam a ji dewletê.

Serhildana Şêx Ubeydulah dû re jî li şexsîyetên Kurd ên dînî bandor kir. Kurê biçuktirîn ê Ubeydulah, Şêx Abdulqadir, ê dû re bû berdevkê meclîsa ayan a Osmanî, piştî têkçûna bavê xwe di sîyaseta Kurd de wek şexsîyetekî jêneger derket holê.9 Eyn Şêx Abdulqadir10 piştî ku di 1882ya de hat sirgunkirin dest bi propagandaya dij-xelîfetîyê kir. Ji Mekeyê name dişandin herêma Kurda û fikrên dij-Hemîdî belav dikir.11 Di 1894a de li Medîneyê, Abdulqadir bi çend muxalîfên din î Kurd ên naskirî ku Mela Selîm Efendîyê bi raperîna 1914a li Bidlîsê tê naskirin jî tê de bû, civînek çêkir.12

Vê koma Kurda soza xwe nû kirin ku ew ê li hember Împeratorîya Osmanî wek amrazeke piştevanîkirina daxwaza xwe ya bo Kurdistaneke serbixwe têbikoşin.13 Bi taybetî, Abdulqadir bêîstikrarîya rewşa Kurda ya piştî Yekem Şerê Cîhanê jî li ber çav digirt û bi gelemperî li ber raya giştî daxwazên Kurda yên sîyasî ji serxwebûnê bêtir wek daxwaza otonomîyê formule dikir. Lê li paş perdeyê jî, ew û nevîyê xwe Seyid Taha bi hewldanên xwe yî bidestxistina piştgirîya Brîtanîyan bo dewleteke Kurdistana serbixwe dihatin zanîn.14 Dokumentên Brîtanî didin xuyakirin ku “li Konstantînoplê Abdulqadirê Şemzînanî amade bû… posta hakimê Kurdistaneke yekgirtî ya farazî bi dest bixîne.”15 Lewma, dîyar e Abdulqadir di hevdîtinên bi şandeyên Rojavayî re, ligel Nûrsî û yên din, di derbirîna arezûyên xwe yî Kurdewar ên rasteqîn rihettir tevdigerîya.16 Abdulqadir xuya ye umîdwar bû ku ger Kurd bikaribin dawa heqê xwe bikin, Cemîyeta Miletan dikare mafê wan î bo dewleteke serbixwe nas bike.17

Dokumentên dewletê raber dikin ku serhildana 1880 bi berdêlî bandoreke mezin kirîye li ser têgihanên dewleta Osmanî û Kurdan. Ji ber vê, nêzî deh sal piştî serhildanê, hê jî di navbera dewlet û Kurda de qelşeke mezin hebû. Bo vê dewleta Osmanî mecbûr ma bi sîyaseteke nû çareserîyekê bibîne da ku pirekê çêbike,18 divîya bû dewlet ji zimanê Erebî îstifade bike.19 Di medreseyên Kurda de herî zêde zimanê Erebî dihat fêrkirin û dewletê hewl da zimanê li Kurdistanê Erebî bi kar bîne bo propagandaya sîyaseta xwe. Avakirina dibistanên eşîrî20 (Aşîret Mektebî) bi armanca “medenîkirin”ê û siwarîyên Hemîdî21 (Hamîdîye Alaylari) pêkhateyên vê sîyaseta nû ya pişaftinê bûn li Kurdistanê. Di nav heman peywendê de bû ku Abdulhemîd II bi xwe dest nîşan dikir “Em niha dikarin ew ên di nav sînorên me de ji dînê me ne û [ji ber vê] ji me ne, tolere bikin. Lazim e em hêmana Tirk li Anadolê xurt bikin û pêşekî bidin kirina Kurda parçeyek ji me.”22 Ev grîng e bê destnîşankirin ku “xurtkirina hêmana Tirk li Anadolê,” di dilqê dîn de, wê bo pişaftina Kurda an kirina wan a “parçeyek ji me [Tirk] pêk bihata. Lê hewla dewletê “bo qezenckirina dilê Kurda” nikaribû dawî bîne li çalakîyên dij-dewleta Hemîdî.

Sîyaseta Kurd a Sunnî ya dij-dewletê bi awayên cuda dihat derbirîn, û şexsîyetên Kurd ên dînî yên sereke û malbatên wan her tim di bin çavdêrîya rejima Hemîdî de bûn. Çalakîyên Şêx Barzanî23 û Şêx Berzencî24 mînak in bo vê. Di dokumentên dewletê de, çalakîyên van şêxan bi gelemperî bi peyvên wek îfsad (belavkirina bêexlaqî, xirabîyê) û şekavet (eşkîyatî) tê qalkirin. Di sala 1908a de, Şêx Abdulselam Barzanî dawa otonomîya dinî-sîyasî kir bo Kurdistanê. Ev otonomî wê Kurdî bikira zimanê fermî, bacên ji Kurdistanê tên hevdan wê li herêmê bihata xerckirin, û karên Kurda wê ji alîyê Kurda bi xwe li gor fikiha mezheba Şafî25 bihata birêvebirin.26

Nedilxweşîya Şêxê Barzan ji sîyaseta Osmanî bi dawî nebû heta ku ji alîyê KÎT (Komîteya Îtîhat û Terakî) ve di sala 1914a de hate îdamkirin.27 Çendîn faalîyetên Kurd ên din jî hebûn ku, digel serkêşîya wan a dînî, bi temamî nîgeran bûn ji ber qedera sîyasî ya Kurda. Raperîna li Bidlîsê ya di 1914a de, bi serkêşîya Mela Selîmê li jor navborî, mînaka vê dewama sîyaseta Kurd a etno-dînî ye.28 Suat Parlar rast dibêje dema tekke û tekîyeyan pênase dike wek “navendên sereke ya belavbûna neteweperwerîya Kurd.”29

Bi destpêka sedsaleke nû, bi gelemperî di cîhana Îslamê de bandora neteweperwerîyê li ser dînê Îslamê zelaltir bû. Bîrmendên Misliman ên wek Sa’id Halim Paşa jî, Sedrezamê Osmanî, ku qebûl dikir bawerîyên dînî yên Îslamî di xwezaya xwe de gerdûnî ne, pir baş hay ji bandora çanda neteweyî û ya herêmî li ser şîrovekirina dînî çêbûbû. Ji ber hindê, di eslê xwe de, nêrînên wek şexsîyetên wisa jî delaletên bandora rabêja modern a neteweperwer li ser şîroveyên Îslamî bûn. Sedrezam ev rastî dihanî ziman dema dest nîşan dikir ku “çawa karakterê gerdûnî yê rastîyên zanistî pêk tînin heqîqetên çandên milî yên zanistî ku tê de bi temamî zanîna mirovî temsîl dikin, eyn bi vî awayî, karakterê heqîqetên Îslamî yê gerdûnî jî heqîqetên îdealên neteweyî, exlaqî û civakî pêk tînin.”30 Ev îdia nîşaneya wê radeyê ye ku civakên Misliman bi sedsala bîstemîn re çawa bi bandora fikrên neteweperwer re ketine qirika hev.

Çalakger, zanyar û sîyasetmedarên Misliman ên ji paşxaneyên cuda yên etnîk, li gor kirasê rojeva xwe ya neteweperwer şikil didan şîroveyên Îslamî yên curbecur. Ravekirinên wan bi giştî behsa kelijîna mewcûd a fikrên neteweperwer bi têgînkirina wan a dîn dikirin. Her wiha, qirêjîya faraza ya fama dinî bi karakterê etnîk an bi dîroka êdin ve dihat girêdan. Wek mînak, ‘Abduh îdia dikir Îslam [di eslê xwe de] dînê Ereba ye.31

Raşid Rida, vejînerekî din î Îslamî yê binavûdeng, “digot Ereb ji alîyê zihnî ve ji Tirka baştir in û zihnê wan î zanistî ji yê Tirka gelekî pilebilin de.”32 Rida, îdia dikir ku vegirtina (occupation) Ereba bi xwe re dewlemendî, halxweşî anîye, ya Tirka bi xwe re bobelat anîye bo welatên vergirtî. Ew di wê bawerîyê de bû ku “di vegirtinên Mislimana de mezintirîn şanazî ji Ereba re ye, û ev dîn bi saya wan bi pêş ket û mezin bû; seximtirîn hîm ê wan e, ronîtirîn şewq a wan e, û ya rast, em baştirîn umet in ku hatine vê dinyayê.”33 Li alîyê din jî bîrmendên ne-Ereb, wek Gökalp digot berovajîya vê rast e. Heta wî angaşt dikir “piştî Mislimanbûna Tirka, digel bawerîya wan a xurt û jidilbûna wan a kûr, Tirk [her tim] ji hişkbawerî û fanatîzmê dûr mane.”34

Di nêrîna Sa’id Halim Paşa de ya li jor hat qalkirin, tişta balkêş ew îma ye ku, karakterê herêmî (local) yê şîroveya dînî, ku bi hêmanên tam jî aîdî peywenda şîroveyê tijî ye, di heman demê de dikare bibe awayek ji gelek awayên çêşitdarîya gerdûnî ya Islamî. Li vir, Said Paşa tenê karakterê gerdûnî yê dîn binxêz nake. Ew, gerdûnîbûna ji yekê bêtir şîroveyên dînî û ji ber vê pirbûna heqîqetan jî qebûl dike. Em nakokbarîya nêrîna deynin alîyekî, xuya ye Said Paşa bê hemdê xwe qebûl dike ku, wek awayên din î zanîna mirovî, şîroveya dînî, an îctihad jî herêmî ye û ne saf e.35 Di realîteyê de, vejandina xelîfetîyê ji alîyê Abdülhamid II jî divê di nav eyn peywendê de bê dîtin, ku fikra dewleteke navendî bandor dike li ser şîroveya Îslamî. Careke din, Îslam dibe xizmetkarê berjewendîyên dewletê. Lewma, her diçe Îslam bêtir wek dîyardeyek di nav sînorên desthilatdarîya dewletê û berjewendîyên neteweperwer de tê dîtin. Lûtkeya vê boçûnê di dewra komarê de pir zêde xuya ye.

Nûrsî berhemeke dawîya dewra Osmanî bû. Lê dîsa jî ew şexsîyetekî neadetî û tekane bû, lê di nav sedaqateke xurt a bi Îslamîyetê re,36 tevî endîşeyeke kûr bo miletê Kurd, wî helwesteke ku di nav mela û serkêşên dînî de berbelav e nîşan daye.37 Nûrsî bi samimîyeta Kurda ya dînî îftixar dikir û şeref û wêrekîya xwe ya şexsî bi Kurdbûna xwe ve girê dida. Carekê, Nûrsî li dadgeha leşkerî (Harp Divanı) ji ber darizandina xwe xeyalşikestî bûbû, û xîtabî dadgehê wisa gotibû “bêyî ku bixirûr bim, em Kurd; dibe ku em bên xapandin lê em naxapînin û em bo jîyaneke fanî derewa nakin.”38 Careke din jî, dinivîsîne: “wek mirovekî li çîyayên Kurdistanê mezin bûye, berîya werim paytextê Xelîfeyê, min xeyal dikir Stenbol tijî xweşikahî ye. Niha, dema lê dinêrim, Stenbol ji mirovekî hov î xwedî dilekî tirsnak û xebîs pê ve ne tiştek e ku xwe li paş perdeyek medenî veşartîye.”39 Digel ku carna rexneyên hişk li çanda Kurd digirt, bi giştî pesnê Kurda dida. Ji bo li hember dîtinên nerênî û biçûkxistinên derbarê Kurda derkeve, gelek caran wek “hov, bedewî, Kurd” qala xwe dikir û bi rihetî dîyar dikir ku “tebîetê meşrûtîyetperwer” (taba-i meşurtîyetperveraneleri) ê Kurda bûye hîmê xebatên [dînî] wan bi awayê munazarakirina meseleyan.”40 Dema Nûrsî di 1909a de ji ber dewleta Tirk a pişt-Hemîdî çavê wî bêtir vebû, wî îlan kir ku ew “çîyayên bilind ên Kurdistanê, meskenê azadîya mutlaq41 tercîhî medenîyeta Stenbolê” dike.

Nûrsî berîya ku di sala 1907a de biçe Stenbolê ketibû nav sîyasetê. Heta wê demê jixwe zalimîya desthilata Hemîdî nas kiribû û xwedî fikra meşrûtîyetê bû.42 Lê, nasîna wî ya ewil a bi qesra Osmanî di nav peywenda sîyaseta Kurd bû. Di 1907a de, wî sîyaseta perwerdeyê ya dewletê rexne kir û projeyeke nûkirinê pêşnîyaz kir ku li wîlayetên Osmanî yên Kurd wê Kurdî wek yek ji zimanên fêrkirinê bihata qebûlkirin. Qesrê bertek nîşanî pêşnîyaza Nûrsî kir û ew şand nexweşxaneyeke êqil. Ev berteka hişk a Abdulhamid li hemberî projeya Nûrsî tê gotin ji ber bawerîya Siltên bû ku ew ê talîya talî rê li ber parçebûna Kurdistanê veke.43

Ger em li grîngîya zimên û di peywenda sîyasî ya Osmanî de têkilîya wê bi neteweperwerîyê re bifikirin, grîngîya hewla Nûrsî divê neyê piştguhkirin. Bi taybetî mesele ev e ji ber ku Nûrsî pir hurmet dike bo ewên xwe bo pêşxistina zimanê Kurdî terxan kirine. Wî dianî zimên ku kêmasîya wêjeya Kurdî rê li ber îstismara Kurda vekirîye ji alîyê ewên “zemanekî di bin Kurda re bûn”44 bi statuya xwe ya civakî-sîyasî.45 Ji bo ravekirina qedrê zimanê Kurdî, Nûrsî ewqasî diçû ku asta şerefa yekî bi xwe-terxankirina ber bi zimanê dayikê ve dikir wekhev. Dema seyahata xwe ya li Kurdistanê di 1909-1911ê de, ji ber îhmalkarîya wan a bo geşkirina Kurdî gazin dikir û digot:

Tişta jê re zimanê dayikê (lisan-ı maderzad denilen) tê gotin, neynika belavbûna hestên milî, ava heyatê ye; û dara bi zehmeta edebî mezin bûye, pîvana zanînê, û kistasa [asta kolektîf a] şeref û bêqisûrîyê ye… Ez diqîrim ku hûn bizanibin zimanê me yî nîşaneya şaristanîyê ye hişk bûye, têr nake, bê erk maye.46 (îtalîk lê hatîye zêdekirin)

Di nav vê peywendê de ye ku Nûrsî heyranîya xwe ya tîne ziman bo Xelîl Xeyalî yê di wê dewrê de yek ji navdartirîn rewşenbîrên bakûrî bû.47 Nûrsî wek welatperwerekî mustesna qala wî dike, “bi destûra te ez te wek modela welatperwerîyê bidim nasîn,48 Xelîl Xeyalîyê Motkî ku di xebatên xwe yî zimanzanîyê de wek hemû qadên din î welatperwerîyê de roleke sereke girtîye ser xwe.”49

Di hin xebatên dîroknûsîya Tirk a neteweperwer de,50 hewlên Seîd Nûrsî yen bo xistina zimanê Kurdî nav pergala perwerdeyê û berteka Siltên a li hember Nûrsî ku bingeha wan etnîk e, bi temamî ji ber çavan tê veşartin. Wek mînak, M. Hakan Yavuz dema qal dike temamî çîrokeke din vedibêje: “Di teşebuseke bo tevhevkirina zanistên xwezayê û zanistên Îslamî, Nûrsî di 1907a de serdana Siltan Abdulhemîd kir da ku bo zanîngeheke li Wanê piştgirîya wî bixwaze. Lê Siltên teklîfa wî ya lihevanîna muhakeme û Îslamê red kir.”51

Xwendina Nûrsî ya dîrokê yek ji grîngtirîn mînakên ku bandora etno-neteweperwerîyê li ser nêrînên wî yê dînî raber dike. Fikra wî ya dîroknûsîyê him girûra wî etnîk him tişta ku wî bawer dikir bûye sedema “paşveçûna Mislimanan” kişif dike. Ev zelal e ku wî dîroka xelîfetîya Osmanî wek dîroka îstibdadê didît, û bi awayekî zimnî bêîteatkarîya Kurda ya li hember van rêvebiran rûmetyar dikir.52 Carekê, xitabî hemalên li Stenbolê, Nûrsî bang dikir Kurd divê dev ji îtaeta şeş sed salî ya bo desthîlatdarîya zalim a Tirk berdin, bila ew bibe dîroka nifşên kevn.53 Lazim e Kurd esaleta xwe nîşan bidin û tenê hikmet û zanebûna xwe bi kar bînin.54

Nimûneyeke din a bandora etno-neteweperwerîyê di ferqa Nûrsî ya ji vejînerên Ereb di warê nijada xelîfe an xelîfetîyê de dikare bê dîtin. Li gor Nûrsî, ji navan bêtir tebîeta dewletê ye ku meşrûîyeta wê dîyar dike. Ev boçûna derbarê rêvebirina di Îslamîyetê de ye ku yek ji çend xalên wî ji vejînerên Ereb ên etnîk wek ‘Abduh û Rida vediqetîne. Ji ‘Abduh û şagirtên wî cuda, Nûrsî bawer nedikir xelîfetî bi taybetî mafê Ereba ye digel ku vejînerên Ereb ji hin alîyan ve bandor li ser wechên grîng55 ên fikrên Nûrsî yên dînî kirine.56 Wek alimekî dînî yê meşrûtîyetxwaz, Nûrsî îdia dikir, dewlete heqîqî ya şerîetê ya meşrûtî ye û lewma her kes mecbûr e îtaetî dewleteke wisa bike.57 Peyva îstibdadê ku wek hevwateya rêvebirîya Hemîdî dihat bikaranîn, ji alîyê Nûrsî wisa hatibû pênasekirin: “rêvebirîyeke keyfî û bi kaprîs.” Nûrsî digot, Istibdad, “mirovan dike afirînerên bêîtibartirîn; ev e ku cîhana Misliman jehrdayî dike û wan ber bi neyartîya hev û hejartîyê ve dibe.”58

Nûrsî ewqas pê de diçe ku hemû dîroka pişt-Reşîdûn (ji 661ê vir ve) wek rêvebirîyên îstibdadê bi nav dike. Ew peydabûna ekolên felsefî bi hebûna îstibdadê ve girê dide. Nûrsî bi xwe wek ‘Eş’arîyekî, Jebrî û Mu’tezîlên dewra Ebasîyan wek ekolên dînî yên şaş dinirxand û difikirî ku ew rasterast encama rêvebirîya îstîbdadî ya dema xwe ne. Bi dîtina wî, îstibdad dikare sîyasî be an skolastîk be, lê her dû jî kujer in û dikare têra xwe xisarê bide “dîndarîya heqîqî.”59

Wek li jor jî hat raberkirin, di nêrîna Nûrsî de, secereya etnîk wek wesfek bo xelîfetîyê ne grîng bû. Li gor nêrîna wî, tenê qaîdeyek heye ku xelîfeyekî ji qralekî cuda dike: ew ê bide ser rêya Pêxember an na (fikreke manend ji alîyê Îbn Teymîye (1263-1328) jî dihat parastin). Ger qralek bide ser rêya Pêxember, ew “xelîfe ye, tenê rêvebirek e; hukimdarîya wî meşrûtî ye û li ser qaîdeyên şer’î hatîye damezrandin.”60 Ligel sedaqetên wî yên nakokbar, ji vejînerên Ereb cuda, Nûrsî qet bi etnîsîteya xwe an secereya xelîfe mijûl nedibû. Ev xuya dike bê dîtinên yekî yên dînî çawa dikare bandor bigre ji şert û mercên civakî-sîyasî û paşxaneya çandî. Helbet, Nûrsî pir baş hay jê hebû ku secereya Qureyşî an Ereb şert e bo xelîfetîyê. Wî her tim pesnê Ereba dida “wek miletekî esîl,” 61 û di wê bawerîyê de bû ku “Kurd ji alîyê nijadî ve têkilîya wan bi Ereba re heye.”62 Lê, bi nêrîna Nûrsî Ereb-bûn qet bo xelîfetîyê ne şert bû.

Bi heman awayî, Nûrsî angaşt dike ku îstîbdad bi çendîn awayî xwe dide xuyakirin. Tevî cureyê sîyasî û skolastîk, îstibdada muşterek jî heye.63

Lê wî meşrûtîyet ji bo her derdî re wek derman didît. Lewma meşrûtîyet tenê ne pergaleke sîyasî bû, lê şêwazeke çandê bû ku dikaribû zemînek dabîn bikiraya ji bo fikrên curbecur da ku ji ber nirx û merîfetên xwe yî esasî muamele bidîtina. Ger Kurd dixwazin bi Êdin re têkevin reqabetê, ewçax divê ewilî “îstibdada muşeterek” ji holê rakin û çanda meşrûtîyetê qebûl bikin. Kurd divê “tobe bikin” dibêje Nûrsî. Ji wan re kefaret lazim e, û bi awayekî muşterek birevin ber bi derîyên ku wê bi pejirandina çanda meşrûtîyetê ve vebin.64 Ji me re tê gotin “her milet hawizekî wan î ruhî heye ku wêrekî, şeref û hêza wan î milî pêk tîne û diparêze.”65 Ev parçeyên hişmendîya milî “wek dezîyekî bo morîkên diranokî kar dikin… Dema fikra miletbûnê parçe dibe… milet rastîya xwe winda dike.”66 Nûrsî dibêje, lazim e Kurd bizanibin, ku pêşengên Kurd ên dînî û civatî despot in. A rast, despotîya wan mezintirîn asteng e li ber miletbûna Kurda.67

Ev polînkirina îstîbdadê û dûpata xurt a li ser bandora xirabker bo hemû alîyên jîyanê tesîra kûr a berhema navdar a el-Kawakibi Tabāyiʻal-Istibdād nîşan dide.68 (bandora berhema el-Kawakibi, di serdema meşrûtîyetê de (1906-1909) li Îranê li ser berhema alimê Şiî yê binavûdeng Na’ini jî eşkere ye, li ser alimên dînî bandorek wê berfireh çêbûbû.)69 Wek li jor hat destnîşankirin, Nûrsî bandora “îstîbdada muşterek” heta bêjî hilweşîner û li ber miletbûna Kurd wek astenga sereke didît. Di hişmendîya milî ya Kurda de “qulikek” didît. Di 1911ê de, di Munazarat de, Nûrsî hewl daye bersiva vê pirsê bide: ka bo çi Kurd, digel “wêrekî, şewq û şexsîyeta wan a îstisnaî” li pey miletên cîranên xwe yî ku gelheya wan û hêza wan bi ya Kurda re nayê miqayesekirin, dimînin?70 Careke din, Nûrsî, îstibdadê wek grîngtirîn sedema kêmasîyên sîyaseta Kurd dest nîşan dike.71

Di boçûna Nûrsî a derbarê îstibdadê de ku dişibe ya Kawakibi, her têkilîya mirovî li ser esasê îsdibdadê an edaletê ye. Lê dewam dike dibêje her xweşikahîya di her têkilîyên mirovî de kana xwe ji dîn, ji hînkirinên pêxemberan digre –ku li gor Nûrsî, pêxember, bo hemû mirovatîyê pîsporên exlaqê ne. Lewma, di medenîyetê de tiştekî xweşik û mirovî tuneye ku di Îslamîyetê de tunebe.72 Bi nêrîna Nûrsî ya sîyasî, ti desthilata îstibdadî nikare wek xelîfetî bê pênasekirin, ji ber ku li gor wî îstibdad rasterast li dijî rêya Mihemed e “ku li ser edaletê saz bûye.”73 Nûrsî, meşrûîyeta dînî ya desthilatdarîya Abdulhamid bi temamî red dikir. Wî dîyar dikir “têkilîya tirsnak û îstibdada bêedalet a bi şerîetê re ji îluzyonekê [ku ji alîyê despot hatîye afirandin] pê ve ne tiştek e ku xwe ji gefên hundirîn û derveyî biparêze.”74

Heta piştî Yekem Şerê Cîhanê (YŞC), Nûrsî hilweşîna rejîma Hemîdî wek destpêka azadîyê (bidayet-i hurrîyet) bi nav dikir. Lê, heta vê demê, wek mirovekî bûye şahidê tirs û xofa desthilatdarîya Îttîhad Terakkîya (ÎT) modernîst û bobelata YŞC,75 Nûrsî êdî derbarê medenîyetê de ne xweşbîn bû. Ew difikirî alîyên wê yên hilweşîner hema bêje qasî fêdeyên wê ne.76 Van rojan, dema yek li hejarî û dubendîyên welatîyên modern difikire wek Giorgio Agamben di Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life,77 de dest nîşan kirîye, ewçax tirs û endîşeyên Nûrsî yên derheqê erkên dewleta modern fam dike. Nûrsî angaşt dikir ku dewleta modern dikare bi hêsanî “Îslamîyetê û bratîya Îslamî bi temamî hilweşîne” li ser navê “parastina Îslamîyet an xelîfetîyê.” Bi rastî, ger şexsek, di hewla protestokirina dewletê de, xwe di “avahîyeke pîroz û qedrê wê nayê hisabkirin wek Ayasofyayê de veşêre, ev medenîyet dikare ji bo hilweşandina wê fetwayekê derxîne.”78

Dîtina Nûrsî ya bo medenîyeta modern dikare ronî bike wê têkilîya tevlîhev a di navbera mirovên wek wî û avakirina netewe-dewletê de. Li alîyekî, wî li dewleta modern wek bargirê medenîyeta modern dinêrî ku di zanist, tip û teknolojîyê de pêşketineke muazam pêşkêş dike. Li alîyekî din, dewleta modern kapasîteyeke hilweşînê û tundîyê ya nayêpêşbînîkirin sembolîze dikir. Di heman demê de, bo Mislimanên ne-Tirk ên wek Nûrsî, dewleta Osmanî, li hember bi temamî bidestxistina kolonyal a cîhana Misliman, keleha dawîn temsîl dikir. Nûrsî, wek gelek Ereb, Kurd û Mislimanên din ketibû nav dubendîyeke mezin. Ti derdê wî tunebû bi wê tişta ku wî wek miletperwerîya musbet79 -cureyeke neteweperwerîyê ku xwe ji tenakurê (înkarkirina hebûn û mafên miletên din) dûr dixe têgîn dikir.80 Ew dihat wateya qebûlkirina rewabûna parçebûna dewleta Osmanî. Lê, Nûrsî bi tunebûna muhtemel a dewleta Osmanî ku li hemberî Ewropayê stargeha dawîn a Mislimanan bû, vediciniqî. Xumamî û “sedaqetên dualî” yên wek vê, li hember xurtbûna neteweperwerîya Tirk endîşeyên wî yên ji qedera civata wî bi xwe ya etnîk vedibeyandin. Nûrsî, her wiha, ew zexta civakî-sîyasî tecrube dikir ku li alîyekî zexta kolonyal a li ser cîhana Misliman, li alîyê din, tirsa Kurda ya ji ber vegereke muhtemel a Ermenan piştî seferberîya qirkirinê ya Tirk-Kurda li hemberî wan.

Ji ber vê di berhemên Nûrsî de, derbarê xelîfeyê Osmanî helwesteke tevlihev heye ku bi gelemperî lêkolînêren vê qadê piştguh dikin. Di dewra piştî-YŞC, zexteke mezin hebû li ser rêvebirên Osmanî/Tirk ku sazîyeke xwedî nifûza navneteweyî ji holê rakin. Di nav sazîyên bi vî rengî de, xelîfetî û Şêxulîslamtî yên sereke bûn. Hê di sala 1920î de Nûrsî ketibû heyra lawazkirin an jiholêrakirina muhtemel a van sazîyan. Ew di wê bawerîyê de bû, bi halê xwe yî niha jî, ev sazî teslîmî zextên xwemalî û bîyanî bûne û terka gelek qaîde û lazimîyên Îslamî kirine. Nûrsî pêşnîyar kir meqama Şêxulîslamtîyê bê nûkirin.81 Hewldanên wî yên bo nûkirina sazîyên bi vî rengî dide xuyakirin, wek gelek hevrêyên wî yên Kurd, Nûrsî ji ber îhtimala peydabûna dewleteke Tirk a neteweperwer î biçoş pir ditirsîya. Wek çareya dawî, hin Kurdên xwedî nifûz bo vejandina cureyek vegotina Osmanî hewl dan. Li gor Mesut Yeğen, di wê demê de, xilasîya xelîfe wek semboleke mezin a Osmanîtîyê, reng e ku dihat wateya “parastina statukoya ku Kurda bi saya wê hebûna xwe ya otonom berdewam dikirin.”82

Pêşnîyaza Nûrsî armanc dikir sazîya Şêxûlîslamtîyê veguhêzîne ji halê sazîyeke ku tenê ji alîyê şexsekî Şêxulîslam ve tê birêvebirin derxîne, bike sazîyeke ku ji alîyê organeke qanûnçêker a xwedî potensîyala hurmeta navneteweyî be û di cîhana Misliman de jî bêtir alîgirên wê hebe, bê rêvebirin. Bi vî hawî, ev sazî wê li ber zextên bîyanî an xwemalî têkneçûya dema biryar an fetwayên grîng derxîne.83 Di 1921ê de, Nûrsî vejandina xelîfetîyê, ku wî îlan kiribû divê ji Siltanîyê neyê veqetandin, diparast. Lewma, wî angaşt dikir ku “padîşahê me, wek Qralekî, nezareta sî mîlyon [Tirkîye di nav de] insanî dike û, wek xelîfe di nav sêsed milyonî [Misliman] de girêya pîroz sembolîze dike.”84 Careke din, ev dîyar dike ku bo Nûrsî dewleteke Mis liman a serbixwe ku her diçe firehtir dibe, ne pirsgrêk bû –wî ev wek “bidesxistina serwerîya xwe ya rewa karakterîze dikir.”85 Helbet, bidestxistina serwerîya neteweyî ji alîyê Mislimanan, heta ku li dijî kolonyalîzma Ewropî di navbera wan de yekitî hebe, tenê meşxaleyek bû; ev yekitî bi hurmeta wan a bo sazîya xelîfetîyê dihate sembolîzekirin.86

Divê bê destnîşankirin ku alîyekî din î grîng a pêşnîyaza Nûrsî hebû, ku koka xwe ji bawerîya wî ya xurt a bi meşrûtîyetê digirt. Nûrsî difikirî, di dewleta meşrûtî de rola xelîfe divê herî zêde seremonîk be. Ev alîyê fikra wî bi taybetî di şahberhema wî Munazaratê de, di 1911ê de çap bûye, pir eşkere ye. Berîya her tiştî, xelîfetîya meşrûtî bû ku dişibîya monarşîya meşrûtî. Nûrsî, îlan kiribû ku “ji niha şûn de, Xelîfe wê qetîyen ji alîyê ‘ulemayê (meşheti Islamîye) bê temsîlkirin… Ji ber ku rêvebir [di sîstema meşrûtî de] raya giştî ye, ne şexs e.”87 Helbet, ev yek ji wan babeta ye ku Nûrsî dike bîrmendekî resen. Ev wî datîne ser xeta zirav û tevlihev a sînorê navbera “modernîte” û “nerît”ê ku ew qabilîyeta daye wî ku li ser rêvebirîya Îslamî ji bin ve ji nû ve bifikire. Lê divê îtibara vê jinûvefikirînê qismek jê bê dayîn bo îstibdada Hemîdî ji ber ku wê kêmtirîn sê modelên zidê wersîyona xwe ya xelîfetîyê xurt kir û hilberand: a) modelekî muxalîf î neteweperwer, wek yên digotin tenê mafê Ereba ye ku bibin xelîfe; b) modela sekuler a ÎT û dû re ya Komarxwazan ku tê de otorîteya esas parlamento bû; c) modela Nûrsî ku tê de meqama Şêxulîslam dihat tesewirkirin, wek meclîseke dînî kar bike, bi baştirîn îhtimal wê meclîseke bi awayê klasîk, yanê parlamento hevterîbê wê bûya. Meclîsa dînî wê ji 40-50 alimên ji hemû ekolên fikiha Sunî pêk bihata û bo hemî cîhana Misliman wek meclîseke milî bixebitya.88

Xaleke nîqaşê ya derbarê jîyana Nûrsî ya pêş-sirgunê ew e ka wî piştgirî daye serhildana Kurd a sala 1925a ku pêşengê wê Şêx Seîdê Pîranî bû. Neteweperwerên Tirk, çi sekuler bin çi Îslamî bin, dibêjin Nûrsî piştgirî nedaye serhildaneke wek a Şêx Seîd. Bi awayekî teqez îhtimaleke bi vî rengî red dikin, ji ber ku, ji me re tê gotin, Nûrsî “her tim di berhemên xwe û axaftinên xwe de neteweperwerî mehkûm kirîye.”89 Nurcîyên Tirk, bi taybetî pêgirtîyên melayê Tirk î navdar Fethullah Gülen, wêdetir diçin û îdia dikin “di temama jîyana xwe de [Nûrsî] li dijî faalîyetên Kurdperwer derketîye.”90 Dest nîşan dikin ku Nûrsî ne tenê li dijî serhildana Şêx Seîd bûye û vexwendina wî bo beşdarîya serhildanê red kirîye, lê wî gelek Kurd qanih kirine li hemberî artêşa Tirk şer nekin.91 Ev îzahat, tevî mirov û cîyên tê de derbas dibe, wek nelihev û beredayî hatîye qebûlkirin û pûçkirin.92 Ev babet ji alîyê lêkolînerên Tirk Cemalettin Canlı û Yusuf Kenan hatîyê lêkolandin û nelihevîyên mezin tê de hatîne dîtin. Kanîya vê îzahatê Nurcu bixwe ne, ku di heman demê de du wersîyonên cuda yê heman çîrokê pêşkêş dikin.93 Nûrsî helbet neteweperwerekî ne tûj bû û, wek li jor hat raberkirin, di berhemên xwe yî pêş-sirgunê bi granî li ser Kurdbûnê, hişmendîya Kurd a neteweyî û çalakîyên Kurdî yên çandî hûr dibû. Heta Özoğlu jî ku serhildana Kurd a 1925a wek bûyereke çêkirina dewleta Kemalîst pênase dike94, qebûl dike ku pêgirtîyên wî yên Tirk hewl didin Kurdbûna wî wek bêehemîyet nîşan bidin, [lê] Seîd Nûrsî, bi taybetî destpêka karîyera xwe de, bala xwe taybetî dida ser nasnameya xwe ya Kurd… Berîya endamtîya wî ya di Kurdistan Tealî Cemîyetî (KTC) [Komeleya Pêşketina Kurdistanê] de, nivîsên Seîd Nûrsî di Kürt Teavün ve Terakki Gazetesi de [Rojnameya Kurd a Hevkarî û Pêşketinê] dihatin weşandin, ku ji alîyê Kürt Teavün ve Teraki Cemîyetî ya di 1908a de hatibû damezrandin, dihat derxistin. Li gor Tarik Zafer Tunaya, dîrokzanê Tirk, Seîd Nûrsî endamekî Kürt Neşri Maarif Cemîyeti (Komeleya Belavkirina Perwerdeya Kurdî) ku di 1919a de ji alîyê endamên KTCyê hatîye damezrandin.95

Tevî vê, wek berê jî hat dîyarkirin, Nûrsî endamekî şandeya Kurd bû ku bi nûnerên Amerîkî û Frensîyan di sala 1919a de li Stenbolê hevdîtin pêk anîbûn. Peywira şandeyê, bi berpirsên bîyanî re muzakerekirina daxwazên Kurd ên bo Kurdistana serbixwe bû digel ku dewleta Osmanî li dijî faalîyetên vî rengî hişyarî dida.96 Têra xwe balkêş e, Nûrsî bû ku ji nûnerên Amerîkî re gotibû bo Kurdistan bibe dewleteke jîndar, pêwîst e xwe bigihêje deryayê. Bersiva nûnerên Amerîkî ew bû ku pêşnîyaza Nûrsî wê qaîdeyên Wilson, ku li gor wan lazim bû Ermenîstaneke serbixwe bihata afirandin, bin pê bikirana.97 A grîng ew e, Nûrsî ne tenê alîgirê Kurdistaneke serbixwe bû lê wî ji firehbûna wê ya erdigarî jî bawer dikir ku bikaribe têkeve nav ava navneteweyî.98

Piştgirîya Nûrsî bo dewleteke serbixwe ya Kurd nedihat wê wateyê ku her çi dibe bila bibe ew amade ye bide pey vê armancê. Bi îhtimaleke mezin, Nûrsî ji tundî û şerê nav Mislimanan ê bo pêkanîna dewletekê, revîya. Bi dîtina Nûrsî, ji bo miletbûna şerê bi Mislimanên din re wê bibûya miletperwerîya nerênî û wê înkara êdin (tenakür) çêbikira.99 Ev helwesta pasîfîst xuya ye bi şert û mercên giştî yên rûhî di rêwîtîya ber bi hundirê xwe ve, li hev kirine.100 Li gor nevîyê Şêx Seîd, A. M. Fırat, di 1925a de wî dev ji şer berdabû û têkçûna xwe qebûl kiribû.”101 Îdiaya Firat xuya ye hêvîşikestina pêşengên serhildanê jî, brayê Nûrsî Mela Abdulmecîd jî tê de, vedibeyîne.102 Ji Nûrsî cuda, bawerîya wan hebû bi şerê bi çek li dijî dewleta Kemalîst.103 Lê, delîl eşkere dikin ku bo ewên beşdarî serhildanan bûne û merivên wan, gelek salan şûn de jî Nûrsî sempatîya wî ji wan re hebûye û bi hestên xwe bi wan re bû. Deh sal piştî sirguna wî, dema rastî kurên Xalid Begê Cîbranî hat, serkêşê birêxistinkirina Serhildanê, bo cara ewil ew hembêz kirin, xwe winda kir, di nav hêsîran de ma û [dîyar e] pir pir xemgîn bûbû.”104 Di axaftineke bi A. M. Firat re di sala 1954a de, Nûrsî dibêje “min heyfa ezîztirîn û mutebertirîn birayê xwe Şêx Seîd hilanî –ez ê hilînim.”105 Eyn Şêx Seîd gotibû, Îslamîyeta Tirk û xelîfe “400 sal e Îslamîyetê îstismar dikin ku Kurda dîl bigrin.”106 A din, Nûrsî girêdanên wî yî malbatî û hevaltîyê hebû bi serkêşên Azadîyê re û her wiha bi yên Serhildanê re jî. Ne tenê brayê Nûrsî roleke wî ya sereke hebû di Azadîyê de, ew bi pêşengan re jî, yê navdartirîn Xalid Begê Cîbranî bû, di nav têkilîyên nêz de bû heta Îlona 1924a.107 Ev hemû didin xuyakirin ku Nûrsî rewabûna armanca serhildanê nedida ber pirsa lê rêbaza wan ne li gor wî bû.

Dema nivîsên Nûrsî yên pêş-sirgunê ji nêz ve tê xwendin, derdikeve holê ku Nûrsî ne tenê derbarê yekitîya Kurda de gumanên wî hebûn lê ew ji hişmendîyeke berbelav a neteweyî jî ne bawer bû. Digel ku bo qedera Kurda endîşeyên wî kûr hebûn, Nûrsî bawer nedikir, hişmendîya Kurda ya neteweyî wek a Ermenan hatibe wê radeya bo sazkirina neteweyekê pêwîst e. Wek berê jî hat raberkirin, wî angaşt dikir “hişmendîya Kurda ya neteweyî dişibe morîkên tizbîyeke ku benikê wê qetîyaye.”108 Wî nexwendebûna berbelav a Kurda û nelihevkirinên wan î navxweyî wek astengên sereke dîdit li ber geşbûna hişmendîya neteweyî. Wî bawer dikir, dema yek ferdekî milet bibe tecesuma kolektîvîteya xwe, ewçax çêbûna hişmendîyeke rasteqîn pêk tê.109

Di 1908a de Nûrsî di axaftineke xitabî Kurda de nêrînên xwe zelal kir: “Ey! Gelî Kurdan, di hevdugirtinê de hêz heye, di yekîtîyê de jîyan heye, di bratîyê de seadet heye û di dewletbûnê de jîyaneke bi tendirust a muşterek heye.”110 Sê mucewher hene ku muhtacî parastinê ne: Îslamîyet, mirovayetî û miletbûn.111 Kurd hê di ezabê de ne ji ber mezintirîn neyarên xwe: cehaletî, feqîrî û nelihevî.”112 Kurd dikaribûn ji neteweperwerîya Ermenan fêr bibin; Ermena dikaribû “me ber bi hişyarîyê û pêşketinê ve bibin; [lewma] em bi kêfxweşî destê hevaltîyê ber bi wan ve dirêj dikin.”113 Lê divê bê destnîşankirin ku Nûrsî di heman demê de li hember her awayên dewleta modern gelekî bi teredud bû.

Nûrsî her diçû zêdetir ditirsîya ji bêperwatîya dewleta modern û şîyana wê ya bikaranîna tundîya bêhed.114 Belkî gengaz e mirov bibêje, ew difikirî di şerekî bi dewletê re, wê Kurd nikaribin ji cîranên xwe Ermena bêtir ji heq werin. Tevî vê resmê tirsnak, Kurd hê jî di nav bêhêvîtî û endîşeyeke mezin de bûn ji ber îhtimala vegera Ermenan bi alîkarîya Ewropayê, û îhtimala cezakirina Brîtanyayê ji ber beşdarîya wan a di qirkirina Ermenan de ligel dewleta Tirk. Dokumentên Brîtanyayê vê tirsê raberî me dikin; li gor dokumentên Brîtanyayê, “Kurd ku piranîyek me zin li van deveran dijîn, li ser hemana nin. Û hestên xurt î neteweyî, ku hê nû peyda bûye, ji ber tirsa hêzên Rojavayî ku difikirin wan têxin bin darê Ermenên biçûkxistî, di nav wan de xurt bûye.”115

Ji ber vê rewşa sîyasî ya tevlîhev, bi îhtimaleke mezin Nûrsî tercîh kirîye bisekine û binêre ji dêvla ku di serhildana Şêx Seîd de bi awayekî çalak cî bigre.116 Tiştên derbarê elaqe û nêrînên Nûrsî yên derheqê serhildana 1925a de tê zanîn, gelek ji wan bawerî pê nabin.117 Rastîyek ku nabe bê înkarkirin ev e, Nûrsî bi pêşengên Serhildanê re di nav têkilîyeke pir nêz de bû û girêyek wî organîk hebû bi wan re. Eslê xwe de, ew yek ji endamên damezrêner a Komeleya Hevkarî û Pêşketina Kurd bû.118 Wî ev rêxistin tevî Şêx Abdulqadir û endamên malbata Bedirxanî û yên din ku dû re, ji komên Tirk î sekuler û dînî cuda, hemûyan piştgirî dan Şêx Seîd.119 A din, Nûrsî di nav him ulemaya Kurd de him di nav gel de rêzek mezin hebû bo wî. Rêza bo Nûrsî û navdarîya wî ya di nav Kurda de ewqas mezin bû ku, hê di sala 1909a de, wî bawer dikir telgrafeke wî bo eşîrên Kurd wê têr bike ku ew helwesta xwe ya bo meşrûtîyetê biguherînin.120 Tesîra wî ya li ser Kurda, bi taybetî li herêma Wanê, pir mezin bû. Wek li jor hat nîşandan, di nêrînen xwe yî dînî-sîyasî yên li ser babetên wek xelîfetî û Şêxulîslamtî de, Nûrsî cidîyet û realîteya netewe-dewletê piştguh nedikir.121 Û ti delîl tunene ku ulemaya Kurd, ji xeynî xweşbînîya wî ji meşrûtîyetê û tesdîqkirina wî bêtir azadîyên takî, li dijî wî derketine. (Xuya dike, Mela Selîm ji ber van dîtinan rexne li wî girtîye, û Nûrsî jî heqbûna rexneyên Mela Selîm dû re qebûl kirîye.)122

Bi kurtî, berhemên Nûrsî yên pêş-sirgunê bi giştî bo dîroka Kurd û Mislimanan sergêjîyekê temsîl dikin. Nûrsî hêvî dikir bi saya reformên wî pêşnîyaz dikir, helwestên muktedîran li hember Kurda biguhere. Bi rêya pergaleke nû ya perwerdeyê pir dixwest Kurda jî biguherîne. Jîyan-nameya wî trajîk bi hêvîya vekirina zanîngehê li Kurdistanê dest pê kir û bi eyn hêvîyê jî bi dawî bû. Em bi hêvî bûn ku dibistanên nû wê qedera Kurdê ku digot benim cinsimden, yên ji min, biguherîne.123

Ji ber vê armanca xwe ew avêtin nexweşxaneya êqil. Nûrsî hêvîyên wî pir zêde bûn ku Şoreşa Meşrûtîyetê wê gelek tiştên baş jê derkeve, hêvîya mezintirîn jî perwerdeya Kurdî bû. Lewma, wî îlan kir “wê di demeke kurt de li cîyên qet dibistan tunene wê dibistan bên avakirin, û yên kevn jî bi yên modern re bên guhertin [li devera Kurdistanê].”124

Piştî vê hêvîşikestina ji sîyasetê, Nûrsî vegerîya Wanê û heta ku 1925a de bê sirgunkirin perwerdekirina gelê xwe domand. Di sala 1950 de, bi dehan sala piştî sirgunê, Nûrsî hê jî hêvî dikir bangewazîyên wî bo guhertina sîyaseta Tirk dibe ku tiştek îfade bike. Ji ber vê, wî careke din daxwaza xwe bo li Kurdistanê zanîngehek bê vekirin dubare kir.

Çi mixabin, di payîza temenê xwe de, û niha bo cara dawî, Nûrsî dîsa bi neyartîya berdewam a li hember daxwaza wî ya bo perwerdekirina gelê xwe hêvîşikestî dibû. Wî ev wek mîsyoneke şexsî didît, ji ber ku îstibdadê, yanê Abdulhamid ew xistibû bin tebeqeyên ceheltîyê.125 Özdalga, hewla Nûrsî, ya qasî dirêjahîya temenê wî, bo avakirina zanîngehekê wisa xulase dike:

Di sala 1907a de çû Stenbolê ku Siltên qanih bike bo piştevanîya projeya xwe, lê şoreşa Tirkên Gênc a 1908a hewldanên wî rawestand. Piştî Mustafa Kemal hat ser hukim jî wî di armanca xwe de israr kir, lê di vê rejîma sekuler û neteweperwer de armanca wî gengaz bû bi cî bê. Di 1951ê de jî, piştî ku Partîya Demokrat bû desthilatdar, Nûrsî careke din fikra xwe bo avakirina zanîngeheke li rojhilata Tirkîyeyê avêt holê, lê dîsa bi her alî ve hat redkirin.126

Di vê heyama sergêjîyê de bû ku temama cîhana Misliman li hember kolonyalîzmê bi realîteya peydabûna netewe-dewletan û nasîna meşrûtîyetê re mijûl bûn. Bi taybetî bo serkêşekî Kurd, yekî wek Nûrsî, ev fikir dibûn sedema gelek helwestên dijber, xumamî û dubendîya. Ligel sîyaseta wî ya dij-kolonyal û nêz-Misliman, Nûrsî wek bawermendekî miletperwerîya erênî/musbet ma. Divê bê gotin ku digel xumamîya di nivîsên wî yên pêş-sirgunê, Nûrsî her tim li qedera Kurda wek etnîsîteyeke cuda miqate bûye.127 Rast e ku derd û kulê Nûrsî bi qedera Kurda re ne sînorkirî bû. Lê nivîsên Nûrsî yên ewil, temama peywenda sîyaseta Kurd a dîndar ronî dike, ji ber vê sedemê jî paşxaneya Serhildana Kurd a 1925a jî ronî dike.

* Süleyman Çevik, “Şex Seîd Ew Wezîfe Ku Daye Sere Xwe Bi Ferdi û Cemaeti Anîye Cih” Nübihar no. 45 (6/1996). Abdulmelik Fırat (1934-2009) alim, sîyasetmedarekî Kurd û nevîyê Şêx Seîdê ku pêşengê serhildana sala 1925a bû.

1 Di 1908a de, Nûrsî ji eşîrên Kurd ên Osmanî re telgrafan dişîne ku wan agahdar bike ku meşrûytîyet û şerîet li hev dikin (I.D. r. 158). Ji 1909a heta 1911a jî Nûrsî du salan li Kurdistanê maye û bo piştgirîya sîstema meşrûtîyetê Kurd teşwîk kirine. Dawîya vê gerê de, Nûrsî xuya ye ji serkeftina xwe dilxweş e ku bi kêf dibêje: “Welatperwerno! Divê hûn bizanibin, Kurd an meşrûtîyetxwaz in an her diçe fikrên meşrûtîyetê baştir fam dikin.” Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 81.

2 B.b.h. (bide ber hev), Kayalı, Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918; Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey.

3 Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 90.

4 Ev grîng e bê dîyarkirin ku li vir bîzatîhî awayê têgînkirina Nûrsî ya mafên kolektîf nîşaneyek e ku ew çawa ketîye bin bandora bîrmendên neteweperwer ên modern.

5 Bediüzzaman Said Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler (2009), 189.

6 Erik Zürcher di wê bawerîyê de ye ku têkilîyek berdewam hebû di navbera neteweperwerîya Tirk û Îslamîzma heta salên 1980an pêk hat. Bnr. Zürcher, “The Importance of Being Secular: Islam in the Service of the National and Pre-National State.”

7 B.b.h. Nehri, Tuhfetul Ehbab: Mesnewi Şex Ubeydullah Nehri, 106-40.

8 B.b.h. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA): Dosya No: 5; Gömlek No: 99/2; Fon Kodu: Y..PRK.ASK. 10/21/1880).

9 Abdulqadir li her deverê Kurdistanê baş dihat naskirin û hurmet jê re dihat nîşandan. Helbesta li jêr ji Sacbûlaqê (niha Mahabad) vê rastîyê raber dike ku Şêx Abdulqadir yekî “ji esîlzadeyên Kurd û bo selameta Kurdên bêkes nîgeran e. Ew behra îrfanê ye û tam jî alameta dîgerkamîyê ye.” Jîn. (No: 7; 1918).

10 Piştî Yekem Şerê Cîhanê, Nûrsî û çend şexsîyetên wek wî bi hev re rêxistineke sîyasî ya Kurd damezrandin.

11 B.b.h.. BOA: Dosya No: 14; Gömlek No: 50; Fon Kodu: Y..PRK.ASK. Tarih: 17/Za/1299 (Hicrî) [30.09.1882]; BOA: Dosya No: 1946; Gömlek No: 91; Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 13/L /1309 (Hicrî) [10.05.1892]; Also, BOA: Dosya No: 1971 Gömlek No: 47 Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 18/Z /1309 (Hicrî) [13.07.1892].

12 Isamil Hekki Shaweys, “Nawdarani Kurd: Mela Selim Efendi,” Roji Nuwê (1960/2011).

13 B.n.b.

14 Rıza Zelyut, Dersim İsyanları Ve Seit Rıza Gerçeği (Ankara: Kripto Kitaplar, 2010), 59.

15 House of Commons Parliamentary papers online., “Mesopotamia (Review of the Civil Administration). Review of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia,” ([Cmd. 1061]1920 ), 70.

16 Kadri Cemil Paşa (Zinar Silopi), Doza Kurdistan (Kürdistan Davas): Kürt Milletinin 60 Yıllık Esaretten Kurtuluş Savaşı Hatıraları/ the Kurdish Question (Ankara: Özge yayınları, 1991), 57.

17 Ehmed Teqi and Celal Teqi, Xebati Geli Kurd Le Yadaştekani Ehmedi Teqi Da/ the Kurdish Struggle in Ahmad Taqi’s Memoir (Stockholm: Sara Bokförlag, 1988), 13-15.

18 (Kürdistan’da halk ile hükümet arasındaki ihtilafın giderilmesi için).

19 BOA::Dosya No: 1428 Gömlek No: 43 Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 09/L /1304 (Hicrî) [01.07.1887]; BOA: Dosya No: 1432 Gömlek No: 109 Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 25/L /1304 (Hicrî) [17.07.1887]; Also, BOA: Dosya No: 1453 Gömlek No: 73 Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 20/M /1305 (Hicrî) Tarih: 20/M /1305 (Hicrî) [08.10.1887].

20 B.b.h., Akpınar, Aşiret,Mektep, Devlet: Osmanlı Devletinde Aşiret Mektebi

21 Bo bêtir agahî li ser Siwarîyên Hemidî bnr: Klein, The Margins of Empire: Kurdish Militias in the Ottoman Tribal Zone.

22 Heper, The State and Kurds in Turkey: The Question of Assimilation, 47.( îtalîk lê hatîye zêdekirin.)

23 Cf. BOA: Dosya No: 1/-2; Gömlek No: 73; Fon Kodu: DH.MUİ. Tarih: 06/N /1327 (Hicrî) [21.09.1909].; BOA: Dosya No: 1/-6; Gömlek No: 14; Fon Kodu: DH.MUİ. Tarih: 02/Z /1327 (Hicrî)[12.12.1909 ].

24 Cf. BOA: Dosya No: 426; Gömlek No: 65; Fon Kodu: DH.MKT. Tarih: 22/Ra/1313 (Hicrî) [12.09.1895]. Ev dokument, wek mînak, tawanbarîya rêvebirên dewletê bo Şêxên Berzencî raber dike di dehsaleya dawî ya sedsala 19mîn de. (Süleymanîye’de bulunan sadat-ı berzencîyenin harekat-ı şekavetkaraneleri nedenîyle emnîyet-i umumîyyenin münselib olduğundan ve rüesalarının Kürdistan-ı İrani hakimine gizli nameler irsalîyle kendilerine hudud üzerinde bir mahallin tahsisi taleplerine dair, gönderilen tezkere üzerine gerekli tedbirin alınarak, tahkikat icrası gereğinin Musul Vilayeti’ne bildirildiği).

25 Piranîya Kurdên Sunî pêyrewên mezheba Şafî ne, Tirk jî peyrewên mezheba Henefî ne.

26 Olson, The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925, 16-17. Masud Barzani, Al-Barzani Wa-Al-Hakah Al-Taharrurîyah Al-Kurdîyah/ Barzani and the Kurdish Liberation Movement, 2 cild., c. 1 (Bayrut: Kawa li al-thaqafa al-Kurdîyeh, 1997), 25-27.

27 Al-Barzani Wa-Al-Hakah Al-Taharrurîyah Al-Kurdîyah/ Barzani and the Kurdish Liberation Movement, 1, 27.

28 Bo hûrgilîyan binêrin: Shaweys, “Nawdarani Kurd: Mela Selim Efendi.”; Celîl, Kürt Halk Tarihinden 13 İlginç Yaprak, 114-40. Hin çalakgerên Kurd ên bala profîl wek Abdulrezaq Bedirxan ji Bakur û Simko ji Rojhilat/Îran beşdarî serhildana Mela Selîm bûn. Li gor dokumentên dewleta Tirk, Mela Selîm li ser sêdarê bi ser rêvebirên Tirk ve ku bo daliqandina wî kom bûbûn, qîrîya: “Hûn Tirkno de hadê min daliqînin. Ma hûn fedî nakin welatê me ji me bistînin û piranîya welatê xwe jî bi destê yên din ve berdin û winda bikin?… Ma çi dibû welatê min [Bidlîs] di destê me de bimaya…” Nîqaşên Nehênî yên Meclîsa Mezin a Milet a Tirkîyeyê, nql. di nav Suat Parlar, Türkler Ve Kürtler: Ortadoğu’da İktidar Ve İsyan Gelenekleri, (Istanbul: Bagdat Yayınları, 2005), 555-56.

29 Türkler Ve Kürtler: Ortadoğu’da İktidar Ve İsyan Gelenekleri, 554.

30 Nql di: Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam.

31 ‘Abduh, Al-Islam Wa Al-Nasranîyye/ Islam and Christianity 123.

32 Haddad, “Arab Religious Nationalism in the Colonial Era: Rereading Rashīd Riḍā’s Ideas on the Caliphate “ 225.

33 Nql. h.b., 257.

34 Gökalp, Türkçülüğün Esasları.

35 Dîyar e dîtinên vî awayî li Îranê jî îlham daye alimên Misliman ên navdar, wek Abdolkarim Soroush. Bnr. Abdolkarim Soroush, Qabz Va Bast-E Teoric Shari’at – Ya Nazarîyeh-Ye Takāmol-E Ma’refat-E Dini/the Theory of Evolution of Religious Knowledge or Text in Context, 6 ed. (Tehran: Muasesay-e Farhangîy-e Sirat, 1998).

36 Şerif Mardin li ser bandora muhtemel a Afganî û Abduh li ser şikilgirtina nêrînên dînî yên Nûrsî disekine. Bnr., Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 141.

37 Van Bruinessen li ser vê têkilîya têkel û xumamî ya di navbera dîn û neteweperwerîya li Kurdistanê wiha dibêje “gelek neteweperwerên pêşeng bê dîn in an kêmtirîn ji ber bandora xurt a mela û şêxan a li ser gel aciz in. Ji alîyekî ve jî, bi gelemperî Mislimanên ortodoks in ku bûne marîpişta tevgera Kurd.” Bruinessen, Mulla, Sufis and Heretics: The Role of Religion in Kurdish Society: Collected Articles, 14.

38 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 169.

39 B.n.b., 20.

40 B.n.b., 81.

41 B.n.b., 177.

42 Şükran Vahide, Islam in Modern Turkey : An Intellectual Biography of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 20-3. Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 75-80.

43 Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 19; Ahmet Turran, “Said Nursi Ve Nurculuk,” http://dergi.samsunilahîyat.com/Makaleler/ 1525073178_199810020211.pdf

44 Ekradın madündunda bulunanlar.

45 Şark ve Kürdistan Gazetesi. ( No. 1; Kanûn 2, 1908). Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 507.

46 B.n.b., 191.

47 Zîya Gökalp berîya ku bi ser neteweperwerîya Tirk ve biçe hevalekî nêz ê Xelal Xeyalî bû. Wan bi hev re ferhengeke Kurdî amade kiribûn. (Zinar Silopi), Doza Kurdistan ( Kürdistan Davas): Kürt Milletinin 60 Yıllık Esaretten Kurtuluş Savaşı Hatıraları.

48 hamîyet-i millînin bir misali.

49 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 191.

50 Divê bê dîyarkirin, hin nivîskarên Kurd jî hewl didin alîyê neteweperwer ê fikrên Nûrsî ji ber çavan veşêrin. Wek mînak, xebata Malmisanij a derbarê Nûrsî de teşebuseke bi vî awayî ye. Malmisanij, dîn wek neyarekî ezelî yê meylên Kurd ên neteweperwer mehkûm dike. B.b.h., Malmisanij, Said-I Nursi Ve Kürt Sorunu (Uppsala: Jîna Nü, 1991), 12-14.

51 M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 152-53.(îtalîk lê hatîye zêdekirin)

52 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 26.

53 B.n.b.

54 B.n.b.

55 Dema dîroka Mislimantîyê ji nû ve tê xwendin, wek ku Nûrsî dubare dike hin nêrînên Afganî û ‘Abduh di ʻUrwah al-Wuthqá de bi hev re îfade kirine. Wek mînak, Nûrsî dîyar dike “dîrok netîceya rasterast a asta pêşketina Mislimanan û pêgiredana wan a bi dîn nîşan dide. Ev eşkere ye ku Misliman kengî sedaqata wan a dînî lawaz bûye, ew her tim paş de mane.”İçtima-i Dersler, 258. Bnr, Jamāl al-Dīn Al-Afghānī û Muḥammad ʻAbduh, Al-ʻurwah Al-Wuthqá, Lā InfiṣāMa Lahā (Bayrūt: Maṭbaʻat al-Tawfīq, 1328 [1910]). Û, ‘Abduh, Al-Islam Wa Al-Nasranîyye/ Islam and Christianity 177 onward.

56 Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, 141.

57 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler. Divê bê dîyarkirin ku ev axaftin di sala 1908a de bû ku Nûrsî hê jî pir xweşbîn bû derbarê şoreşa meşrûtîyetê.

58 B.n.b., 82-83.

59 B.n.b., 83-84. Li vir wek ku Nûrsî The Nature of Tyranny (Tebîeta Îstibdadê) ya el-Kawakibi dubare dike. Li vir dîtinên wî bi taybetî dişibin bawerîya el-Kawakabi bi bandora nerênî ya îstibdadê li ser dîndarîyê û bidestxistina zanînê. Bnr., Abd al-Rahman Al-Kawakibi, Tabāyiʻ Al-Istibdād Wa Maṣāriʻ Al-Istiʻbād/ the Nature of Tyranny and the Subjugation Struggle, wer. Abd al-Husayn Qajar, Beş-i 1. ed., Majmuah-Yi Mutun Va Asnad-I Tarikhi (Tihran: Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1364).

60 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 160.

61 İçtima-I Dersler, 53.

62 B.n.b., 578.

63 İçtima-I Dersler.

64 Hina meşrutîyette tevbenin kapsi açktir b.n.b.

65 B.n.b., 123-24.

66 B.n.b.

67 B.n.b.

68 Bnr., Al-Kawakibi, Tabāyiʻ Al-Istibdād Wa Maṣāriʻ Al-Istiʻbād/ the Nature of Tyranny and the Subjugation Struggle.

69 Bnr., Muhammad Husayn Na’ini, Tanbih Al-Ummah Va Tanzih Al-Millah Dar Asas Va Usul-I Mashrutîyat; Ya, Hukumat Az Nazar-I Islam/ the State and Islamic Perspective (Tehran: Shirkat-i Chapkhanah-i Firdawsi 1955?).

70 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 123.

71 B.n.b.

72 “Bediüzzaman Kürdinin Fihristi-Makasidi Ve Efkarinin Progmidir/ the Programme of Bediüzzam Kurdi “, Volkan, no. 1: 2-3.

73 İçtima-i Dersler, 160.

74 “Bediüzzaman Kürdinin Fihristi-Makasidi Ve Efkarinin Progmidir/ the Programme of Bediüzzam Kurdi “, 2-3.

75 Piştî darizandina wî ya bêedalet di sala 1909a de li Stenbolê, Nûrsî ji hikumeta ÎT pir hêvîşikestî bûbû. Lê dîsa jî, ligel artêşa dewletê beşdarî şer bû. Di şer de ji alîyê hêzên Rûsî dîl hat girtin û heta havîna 1918a wek dîlê şer li Rûsyayê ma. Nûrsî ji girtîgeha Rûsyayê revîya Bulgarîstanê û ji wir vegerîya Tirkîyeyê. Bnr., Yusuf Kenan Beysülen û Cemalettin Canlı, Zaman İçinde Bediüzzaman (Istanbul: İletişim 2010), 255-57.

76 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 254.

77 Bnr., Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life.

78 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 254.

79 Wek berê jî hat dîyarkirin, nivîsên Nûrsî bi xwe piştrast dikin ku wî miletperwerîya erênî, yanê, awayê miletperwerîyê ku maf û hebûna êndin înkar nake, pejirandîye.

80 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 243.

81 B.n.b., 259.

82 Yeğen, “The Turkish State Discourse and the Exclusion of Kurdish Identity,” 221.

83 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 258-59.

84 B.n.b., 258.

85 Xuya ye Nûrsî, peydabûna netewe-dewletê wek zemînekî berhemdar didît bo bicîanîna mafên takekesî. Lewma, wan “her takekî Misliman wê îdareyê de para xwe heq bi dest bixe, çimkî fikra serwerîya milî (hakimîyet-i millet) li Asyayê dikete rewacê (her bir ferd-i müslman, hakimîyetin bir cüz’-ü hakikisine malik olur). B.n.b., 179.

86 B.n.b., 258.

87 B.n.b., 115.

88 B.n.b.

89 Umut Uzer, “The Genealogy of Turkish Nationalism,” di nav Symbiotic Antagonisms: Competing Nationalisms in Turkey, ed. Ayşe Kadioğlu û Fuat Keyman (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2011), 112.

90 Ismail Çolak, Kürt Meselesi’nin Acılımı: Said Nursî’den Teşhis Ve Çözüumler (Istanbul: Nesil, 2009), 134.

91 Ji me re tê gotin ev wisa ye, ji ber ku Nûrsî bawer dikir “di artêşa Osmanî de belkî sed hezar ewlîya hene.” Vahide Şükran û Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’, Islam in Modern Turkey: An Intellectual Biography of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 109.

92 Ji bo xebateke bêkêmasî li ser vî babetî bnr., Cemalettin Canlı û Yusuf Kenan Beysülen, Zaman İçinde Bediüzzaman (İstanbul: İletişim, 2010), 298-310.

93 B.n.b.

94 Bnr., Hakan Özoglu, From Caliphate to Secular State: Power Struggle in the Early Turkish Republic (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Praeger, 2011).

95 Özoğlu, Kurdish Notables and the Ottoman State: Evolving Identities, Competing Loyalties, and Shifting Boundaries, 115.

96 Zelyut, Dersim İsyanları Ve Seit Rıza Gerçeği, 59.

97 B.n.b. Also, (Zinar Silopi), Doza Kurdistan ( Kürdistan Davas): Kürt Milletinin 60 Yıllık Esaretten Kurtuluş Savaşı Hatıraları 57.

98 Zelyut, Dersim İsyanları Ve Seit Rıza Gerçeği 59. (Zinar Silopi), Doza Kurdistan (Kürdistan Davas): Kürt Milletinin 60 Yıllık Esaretten Kurtuluş Savaşı Hatıraları 57.

99 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 243.

100 Özdalga gihiştîye wê encamê ku Nûrsî piştî dilbûna wî ya li Rusyayê di nav guherînên mezin re derbas bûye û dû re şahidîya bûyera 1925a kirîye. Elizabeth Özdalga, “Transformation of Sufi-Based Communities in Modern Turkey,” in Turkey’s Engagement with Modernity: Conflict and Change in the Twentieth Century, ed. Kerem Öktem, Celia Kerslake, û Philip Robins (Basingstoke England; New York Oxford Palgrave Macmillan 2010), 81.

101 Beysülen û Canlı, Zaman İçinde Bediüzzaman, 301.

102 B.n.b., 296.

103 Bo nêrîna nerênî ya Nûrsî derbarê bikaranîna tundî û cudatîya wî ji yên din, bnr: Tahsin Sever, 1925 Hareketi Ve Azadî Örgütü (Istanbul: Doz Yayınları, 2010), 169-80.

104 B.n.b., 172.

105 Biraderi e‘zamim, biraderi ekremim, Şeh Said Efendinin heyfini aldim, heyfini alecegim. Bnr., Çevik, “Şex Seîd Ew Wezîfe Ku Daye Sere Xwe Bi Ferdi û Cemaeti Anîye Cih’.”

106 Bo xwendina nameya Şêx, bnr.: Strohmeier, Crucial Images in the Presentation of a Kurdish National Identity: Heroes and Patriots, Traitors and Foes, 89-90.

107 Sever, 1925 Hareketi Ve Azadî Örgütü, 171-72.

108 “Istibdat…[ kürtlerin] fikri millîye[sinin] ipini kesip, parça parça [etmiş.]” Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 123-24.

109 Nursi, İçtimaî Dersler: 189.

110 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler, 160.

111 B.n.b.

112 B.n.b.

113 B.n.b.

114 B.n.b., 254.

115 online., “Mesopotamia (Review of the Civil Administration). Review of the Civil Ad- ministration of Mesopotamia.”

116 Bo agahîyên bi hûrgilî derbarê hewldanên Xalid Begê Cîbranî bo qanîhkirina Nûrsî bo beşdarbûna têkoşîna wî ya antî-Kemalîst bnr.: Sever, 1925 Hareketi Ve Azadî Örgütü, 171-79.

117 B.b.h., Beysülen û Canlı, Zaman İçinde Bediüzzaman, 298-310.

118 Tarik Zafer Tunaya, Türkîye’de Sîyasi Partiler, vol. 2 (Istanbul: Hürrîyet Vakfi Yayinlari, 1984), 215.

119 Li gor dokumentên arşiva Rûsî, Hewramî raber dike, Mislimanên Tirk çi xelîfehez bin çi dijxelîfe bin, Serhildana Şêx Seîd destek nekirine. Bnr.: Afrasîyab Hewrami, Şorşi Şex Sa’idi Piranu Sovyet: Le Belgename û Çapemenîyekani Sovyet Da (Suleimani: Serdem, 2002), 50.

120 Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 158-59.

121 B.b.h., B.n.b., 179.

122 Beysülen û Canlı, Zaman İçinde Bediüzzaman, 173-74.

123 Nursi, İçtima-I Dersler

124 İçtima-I Dersler, 30.

125 B.n.b., 159.

126 Özdalga, “Transformation of Sufi-Based Communities in Modern Turkey,” 80.

127 Hin mînak hene ku tê de Nûrsî navê qehremanên Kurd î milî bi bîr dianî, wek Selahedîn Eyubî yê gazî her Kurdekî dike ku bibin tecesuma yekitîya miletê Kurd. Bnr., Nursi, İçtima-i Dersler, 189.

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