Li Ser Sînorên Netewe-dewletên Tirk û Îranê: Serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê

Li Ser Sînorên Netewe-dewletên Tirk û Îranê: Serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê*

METİN YÜKSEL – JI ÎNG: FEXRIYA ADSAY

Komên eşqiyayan ku jin û zarokên wan jî pê re bûn, bi temamî hêviya xwe birîbûn. Ne di nav axa me de ne jî li Îranê ji wan re tu cî nemabû xwe lê veşêrin û me û îraniyan li dû wan operasyoneke têkûz dimeşand.1

Piştî Yekem Şerê Cîhanê, wek ‘normeke rewa ya navneteweyî’ netewe-dewlet ketin dewsa împeretoriyan.2

Di serdema netewe û netewe-dewletan de, xerîteya Rojhilata Navîn jî ji nû ve hate çêkirin. Piştî Şer li Rojhilata Navîn hewesa neteweperwerên kurd, ku diçe heta dawiya sedsala nozdemîn,3 binetewe-dewletek biencam nebû. Kurd ku ji sedsala şanzdehan ve heta destpêka sedsala bîstemîn4 li herêmên ser sînorên Îrana safewî û qacaran û Împeretoriya Osmanî ve jiyane, vê carê bûn kêmareke etno-lîngûîstîk li herêmên ser sînorên netewe-dewletên Rojhilata Navîn ên Sûriye, Iraq, Îran û Tirkiyeyê. Erdnîgariya siyasî ya nû dihate wê wateyê ku ew ê ji ber van netewe-dewletan ve di bin venêrînê de bin. Her çiqas kurd bi ser neketin ku bibin xwedî dewlet jî, ev nayê wê wateyê ku di pêvajoya diyarkirina tixûbên netewe-dewletan de pasîf bûn. Di lihevkirina dawîn a li ser sînorê Tirkiye û Îranê de weqayek berbiçav a kirdebûna kurdan tê dîtin di pevguherandina axê ya navbera Tirkiye û Îranê de da ku li Çiyayê Agiriyê ‘belaya eşqiyayên’ kurd bi carekê ve bên tunekirin.

Di vê xebatê de du dîtinên bingehîn tên binxêzkirin. Yekem, netewe û netewe-dewlet projeyên avakirinê ne ku jê re operasyonên berfireh ên civakî, siyasî û leşkerî wek pişaftin, pevguherandin û bicîkirina gelheyan, endoktrînasyona îdeolojîk lazim e. Dewleteke modern dikare hemû amrazên zordariyê ku ew ‘bo netewe û welatê xwe bikêr’ dibîne, bi kar bîne. Weku Charles Tilly destnîşan dike, di nav çar kirinên dewletan de, du ji wan wisa ne: ‘1. Şerkirin: Berterefkirin an bêalîkirina hevrikên xwe yên li derveyî axa xwe ku ew wek bikarhênerê hêzeke zelal û berdewamî xwediyê serdestiyê ne. 2. Dewletçêkirin: Berterefkirin an bêalîkirina hevrikên xwe yî di nav sînorên axa xwe de.5 Bikaranîna hêzeke xedar jî tevlî amrazên îdeolojîk ên wek perwerdehî, çanda çapkirî û dîroknûsînê dibe ku armanc dike pirsgirêka cudatiyên etnîk, zimanî, herêmî, eşîrî û dînî yên di nav gelheya xwe de ji holê rake bi riya entegrekirina wan a bi ser projeya neteweyî an bi riya çespandina wan.6 James Scott projeya dewletên modern a têkbirina ‘cî û war û gelên nedewlet’ wisa tarîf dike:

… teşebusa bi temamî yekkirina wan [gelên li çeperê] bi awayên çandî yên wek geşedan, pêşdeçûna aborî, xwende-nivîsevanî û entegrasyona civakî hatiye dirûvandin. Di pratîkê de, wateya vê tiştekî din e. Armanc ne ew bû ku wan teşwîqî hilberînê bikin ew bû ji bo ku aktîvîteyên wan î aborî bikaribin bixwînin, bac jê bistînin, nirxê wan diyar bikin, bi- karibin dest deynin ser, an ger ev nebû, awayên hilberînê yên din ku dikarin bê xwendin têxin dewsa wan.7

Seferên hevpar ên ku netewe-dewletên tirk û îranî li Çiyayê Agiriyê li hember kurdan dan meşandin û encamdayina wê ya bi halkirina pirsgirêka sînor a di sala 1932yan de, guncav e ku em van bi cî bikin di nav peywenda projeyên wan î sazkirina netewe û netewe-dewletan de ku kiribûn armanc bikaribin gelheya kurd bixwînin.

Dîtina duyem bi dîrok û dîroknûsiyê re eleqedar e. Seferberiyên berfireh ku ji aliyê dewletên modern ve li gor projeyên sazkirina netewe û netewe-dewletên navendîkirî hatine meşandin, ji aliyê civakê bi awayekî pasîf nehatine qebûlkirin. Bi gotineke din, li hemberî van projeyan mirov dikare berxwedanên populer bibîne. Di rûbirûmayina berxwedana populer de, di salên 1920 û 1930î de rejîma pehlewî ya li Îranê û ya kemalîst li Tirkiyeyê jî ne li derveyî vê bûn. Çawa ku dewlet rêbaz û amrazên cuda bi kar tînin, berxwedana kurdan jî ketiye şiklên cuda. Lê, raperînên kurdan ên biçek ku serkêşiya wan ji aliyê serkêşên kurd ên dînî û eşîrî yên ‘kevneşopî’ û entelîjensiyaya ‘modern’ a xwedî perwerdehiya rojavayî hatiye kirin, bêtir bala lêkolîneran kişandiye. Di dîroka modern a Tirkiye û Îranê de kevneşopa kurdî ya devkî û hin tomarên belawela yên ku ji jinên kurd mane di akademiya heyî de kêm caran jê hatine îstîfadekirin. Ev gotar armanc dike xitabî vê valahiyê bike. Bi riya analîzkirina helbesteke kurdî ya devkî derheqê yek ji pêşengên sereke di Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê bi navê Ferzende û daxwaznameyeke ku jina wî Besrayê daye Parlamentoya Îranê, ev gotar dixwaze ji keviyan ber bi dîroka modern a Tirkiye û Îranê ya salên dawiya 1920an û serê 1930yî ve biçe. Bi vî awayî ev tevkariyeke resen e bo lîteratura her diçe berfireh dibe ku îstîqrara vegotinên bijartehez, navend-dewlet û modernîzeker xira dike.8

Li ser esasê van nerînên teorîk, dîrokî û dîroknûsî, min li jêr ewilî li Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê, bi baldariyeke taybet li rola Ferzende tê de, nerî. Beşa duyem a vê gotarê vedigere ser analîza deqî ya helbesta devkî ya derheqê Ferzende bi awayê ku ji aliyê dengbêj Şakiro tê gotin. Di vê şîrovekirinê de, performansên din î Şakiro jî referans didim da ku bikaribim vê performansa taybet heta ji destê min bê rast û bi awayekî karîger şîrove bikim. Dawiyê de, analîza daxwaznameya Besrayê tê ku di 3ê Mijdara 1941ê de daye Meclîsa Îranê. Ev her du parçe çavkaniyên bingehîn in ku ev lêkolîn xwe dispêrê. Ev du çavkaniyên îstisnayî alîkariya me dike ku di Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de em nêzî dengên lehengekî mêr û yeka jin bibin. Ji tomarên arşîvên fermî û xebatên akademîk ên navend-dewlet ku serhildêrên kurd wek ‘bela’ temsîl dikin cuda, ev du tomarên îstisnayî derfet didin bo îzahetek alternatîf a Serhildanê wek têkçûyî û qurbanên wê ku ew dîtine û tecrube kirine. Li ser şopa analîza îlhamdar a Ranajit Guha ya di nav peywenda raperînên gundiyan di serdema Hîndistana koloniyal a sedsala nozdemîn de, xuya ye him tomarên fermî him xebatên navend-dewlet dikare wek ‘pexşanên dij-serhildan’9 bên dîtin, helbesta devkî ya li ser Ferzende jî mînakek e ji poetîkaya kurdî ya berxwedanê.

Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê, 1927-1930

Ji aliyê demê jî mekanê jî, Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê, seba ku li ser sînorên du netewe-dewletên ku hê jî di nav pêvajoya çêbûnê de bûn pêk hatiye, ciyekî wê yî krîtîk heye. Hin çavkanî wek Serhildana Agiriyê binav dikin hinekî din jî wek Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê binav dikin. Ez bi zanebûn navê duyem dipejirînim ji ber ku ne tenê Çiya û şikeftên wê qada şer bû, lê Serhildan li derdora Çiya jî berdewam kir: dema aliyê Îranê yê Çiyayê Agiriyê hat xistin nav sînorên Tirkiyeyê bi armanca ‘eyar bê dayin bo sînor ku ji bo her du dewletan kontrolkirina axê hêsantir bibe’,10 serhildan û nîqaşên bo sînor bi dawî bû.

Dema Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê teqabulî serdema ku li Îran û Tirkiyeyê siyaseta hişk a navendîkirinê û neteweperwer pêk dihat, dike. Ervand Abrahamian projeyên modernkirinê yên li Îran û Tirkiyeyê ku serkêşiya wan Riza Şah û Mistefa Kemal dikir, wisa destnîşan dike:

Herduyan jî armanc kiribûn ku civakên xwe yî pir-civatî yên kevneşopî veguherînin bo netewe-dewletan. Herduyan jî modernîzm bi rojavayîbûnê; rabirdû bi bêkarîgerbûna rêvebiriyê, anarşiya eşîrî, desthilatdariya çîna dînî û heterojeniya civakî; dahatû jî bi yekcûretiya çandî, manendiya siyasî û homojeniya etnîk ve dikirin yek.11

Weku Nikki Keddie îdîa dike, di dewra desthilatdariya Riza Şah de di siyaset û aboriyê de qaîde navendîkirin bû.12 Ligel vê, Riza Şah li seransera Îranê ‘bi tunekirina tevgerên muxalif’13 li hemberî kêmarên etnîk ewqas neyartî dikir ku ‘êrişên sîstematîk dibir ser nasnameyên wan î çandî’.14 Hedefên farisî yên neteweperwer ên Riza Şah ji aliyê lêkolînerekî wisa hatiye binxêzkirin: ‘Hema bêje wek hemû siyaseta wî ya civakî, aborî û çandî ku pejirandibû û dimeşand, siyaseta derbarê eşîran a Riza Şah jî bi hestên neteweperwer ên pan-faris û navendîkirinê dihate diyarkirin.’15 Lêkolînerên din jî dupat dikin ku Riza Şah û Mistefa Kemal ‘bawer dikirin ku li Tirkiye û Îranê bo modernîzasyon û sazkirina dewleteke modern çeşitdariya çandî di asteke nizm de û homojeniya etnîk jî di asteke bilind de jê re pêwîst e.’16

Berevajî Îranê, li Tirkiyeyê pêvajoyeke kûrtir û berdewam a modernîzasyonê ku bi giştî diçû heta dawiya sedsala hijdemîn, pêk hat. Ji dawiya Împeretoriya Osmanî vir ve projeya modernîzasyonê wek jinûvesazkirina desthilatdariya dewleta navendîkirinê ya di bin şertên civakî, çandî, siyasî û aborî ku di nav guherînê de bûn, tê temsîlkirin.17 Destpêka Komara Tirkiyeyê de modernîzasyona osmanî-tirk bi çendîn reforman kete nav qevaztineke radîkal. Hin ji reformên sekulerîst û neteweperwer ku beriya û dema Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de hatin pêkanîn ev bûn: medrese hatin girtin, di sala 1924an de Xelîfetî hate rakirin û di sala 1928an de reforma alfabeyê hate qebûlkirin.18 Wek Hamit Bozarslan diyar dike, rakirina Xelîfetiyê dihate wateya jiholêrakirina ‘peymana di navbera navend û keviyên wê’.19 A rast, divê ne ecêb be ku Serhildana Şêx Seîd di sala 1925an de çêbû, yanê hema piştî dawîlêhatina vê peymanê. Di salên 1930î de, bi dengekî gurtir î nijadperest, neteweperweriya tirk jî ji hedê xwe derket,20 wek Teoriya Roj-Ziman û Teza Dîrokê ya Tirk.

Ji ber siyaseta neteweperwer, sekulerîzm û modernîzasyona Riza Şah û Mistefa Kemal, riwangeyeke dewlet-navend û modernîzasyonîst rengê xwe da dîroknûsiya serdest a vê serdemê. Lewma ne ecêb e ku bi giştî raperînên kurdan û taybetî Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê —ew jî ger bê qalkirin— bi vê riwangeyê wek bela tê qebûlkirin.21 Ev raperîn ji aliyê rêxistina kurd a neteweperwer Xoybûnê ve hatibû birêkxistin ku di dewra kemalîst de wek tevgera muxalif a zêdetirîn karîger tên pejirandin. Xoybûn ku di sala 1927an de li Lubnanê hatibû damezirandin,22 ji aliyê neteweperwerên ermen jî dihate destekkirin.23 Seba vê dewleta Îranê çalakiyên ermenan ên li herêma Azerbaycanê a li Îranê ji nêz ve dişopand24 heta piştî ku raperîn bi dawî bû jî.25 Fermandarê giştî yê serhildanê Îhsan Nûrî Paşa bû.26 Pêdeçûna serhildanê dikare wisa bê kurtekirin:

Wek encameke peymana di navbera serkêşên kurd û ermen, herêma Agirî, ku ji Ermenistana Sovyetê ne dûr e, wek navenda raperîneke nû hate hilbijartin. Ligel vê, Şahê Îranê ev hevkariya bi vê komê re wek rêbazeke astengkirina serhildaneke kurd li Îranê ya di bin pêşewatiya Simko de dît. […] Hikumeta tirk di lihevkirina bi Şahê Îranê re ku qebûl kir alikariya bo kurdan qut bike, bi serketibû, serhildêrên kurd dor li wan hat pêçkirin û serhildan di dawiya havîna 1930î de dawî lê hat.27

Hêzên Tirk ên Çekdar ku ji 1925an heta 1938an û tenê bo armanca perçiqandina neteweperweriya kurd hatiye bikaranîn,28 di dawîlêanîna serhildanê ya Îlona 1930î de roleke girîng lîst. Hin belgeyên farisî û frensî nîşan didin ku Tirkiye û Îranê li hev kirine ku kurdên nêzî sînoran li herêmên hundirîn bi cî bikin da ku rê li ber ‘alozî’yên li herêmê bigrin.29 Çendîn belge jî nîşan didin ku Îran û Tirkiyeyê ji bo serhildanên kurdan biperçiqînin operasyonên hevpar pêk anîne.30 Di bîranînên xwe de, balyozê Tirkiyê yê li Îranê destnîşan dike ku îraniyan alikariya Tirkiyeyê kirine bo şerê bi ‘çeteyên biçek’re û kontrolkirin û bicîkirina ew kesên ku reviyane nav wan.31 Gerede diyar dike ku serkêşên serhildanê Ihsan Nûrî Paşa, Şêx Evdilqadir, kurên ‘Kor Husên Paşa’ û hevalên wan li Tebrîzê hatine binçavkirin û hatine veguhêztin bo Tehranê.32 Dibêje rojekê ‘Teymûrtaş’ —wezîrê Qesrê— gazî wî dike û dibêje ew serhildêrên kurd ên di bin serekiya ‘Brohasso’ de di şerekî dijwar de şer dikirin û fermandarê lîwayê yê bi navê ‘Kelb-i Ali’ kuştine. Gerede destnîşan dike ku yekîneyeke biçûk a tirk a mufreze hat şandin û ‘pirsgirêka Bruhasso’ hate halkirin.33 Kaveh Bayāt, di xebata xwe ya girîng de ku xwe dispêre belgeyên him çapkirî him ên neçapkirî yên derbarê Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê û bandora wê ya li ser têkiliyên Îranê yên derve, destnîşan dike ku yekîneyên kurd ên bênîzam ku di bin serkêşiya şexsiyetên li jêr şer dikirin hebûn: ‘Demir Paşa, Mamo Beg û Nadir Beg (kurên Kor Husên Paşayê Heyderanî), Ferzende Beg Hesenanî, Xalid Beg Celalî û Seyid Resul û yên din.’34 Di Çileya 1932yan de, Tevfik Rüştü Bey, wezîrê tirk yê karên derve çû Tehranê bo hevalbendiya Îranê bi dest bixe.35 Di 19ê Çileyê de hat ragihandin ku di hevdîtineke bi rojnamegeran re de ev gotine: ‘Êdî bi navê kurd pirsgirêkek tune ye û ev rêk bûye parçeyek ji dîrokê.’

Şahideke Tevgera Çiyayê Agiriyê, geroka îngilîz Rosita Forbes wiha nivîsandiye:

Fermandarê tevgera Çiyayê Agiriyê Ehsam [d.r.w]* Noory Bey, berê di artêşa tirk de efser bûye, dû re bûye hevalê nêz î Şêx Sayid[d.r.w] ku ewçax kurê wî li Enqereyê dihate darizandin; lê qehremanê herêmê heydûtê hov û wêrek ê bi navê Îbrehîm Axa Huske Tello, fesad û serkêşê hema bêje hemû êrişên wêrektirîn, her dem li her derê amade û tevî şexsiyeta seyr, bi qabiliyet, bi şexsê xwe bi eşkereyî di heman demê de li sê cepheyan şer dikir!36

Raporeke farisî ya 8ê Îlona 1930î nîşan dide ku sê rojên derbasbûyî şer bi tundî berdewam dike. Tirkan dora Çiyayê Agiriyê dorpêç kirine, heta ji aliyê Îranê jî lê hê jî encameke diyar xuya nake.37 Lê di 14ê Îlonê de raperîna kurdan bi dawî bû. Piştî ku bi leşkerên tirk re şer kirin, 2000 kurdên çekdar taliyê de hatin kuştin:

Li gor piştrastkirina rayedarên leşkerî, hejmara kuştiyên tirk ên di şerên Çiyayê Agiriyê de nêzî70 kesî bû. Lê li gor rîwayetên bi devkî (afwāhen) tê bihîstin hejmara kuştî û birîndaran ji 300î zêdetir e. Piştrastkirina navborî [tê diyarkirin ku] di encama serhildana kurdên li Zîlan û Çiyayê Agiriyê, windahiya wek mirov li dor 500 kesî ne û 6 balafir hatine xwarê (soghoot karda) û 2 milyon lîre hatiye xerckirin.38

Piştî îlankirina serfiraziyê ji aliyê fermandarê sefera Agiriyê Salih Paşa di 12ê Îlona 1930î de,39 di rojnameya tirk Milliyetê de di 19ê Îlona 1930î de karîkaturek weşand. Di vê karîkaturê de, Çiyayê Agiriyê wek kevirekî gorê hatibû temsîlkirin û li ser ev nivîsandibû: ‘Kurdistana Muxayel li vir binaxkirî ye.’40 Wek ku Rohat Alakom dibêje, İsmet İnönü di bîranînên xwe yî derbarê Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de van gotinan dike: ‘Tevgereke Kurdistanê (Bir Kürdistan Hareketi) di bin serkêşiya zilamekî bi navê Îhsan Nûrî…’.41 Piştî serhildanê, Îhsan Nûrî Paşa li Îranê hat girtin û hat xistin bo hefsa malî.42 Hejmarek mezin ji kurdan hatin kuştin, bi taybetî li herêma Zîlanê. Ne tenê kevneşopên kurd ên devkî43 lê çapemeniya tirkan jî behsa komkujiya sivîlan a li Zîlanê dikin.44 Fermandarê îranî Hassan Arfa qal dike ku li Çiyayê Agiriyê di encama bombebaranên tirkan de hejmarek zêde jin, zarok û heywan hatine kuştin.45

Piştî têkbirina serhildanê li Çiyayê Agiriyê li aliyê Tirkiyeyê, xuya ye heta 1932yan pevçûnên navbera hêzên kurd û îranî de domandine. Belgeyek frensî ya bi sernavê “mouvement kurde à agri dagh” (tevgera kurd li Çiyayê Agiriyê) û bi dîroka 27ê Nîsana 1932yan endişeyên derbarê şerê kurdan yê dijî hêzên hevalbendên tirk û îranî wek li jêr diyar dike:

Tê neqlkirin ku pevçûnên tund li ser sînorên Tirkiye-Îranê ji 6an heta 10ê Nîsanê li Çiyayê Agiriyê hemberî serhildêrên kurd rû dane tên nîşekirin.

Berevaniyek mezin a yekîneyên tirk ku ji aliyê hêzên îranî dihatin piştevanîkirin hatiye destpêkirin, xuya ye wê bo serhildêran bibe bobelat. Bi rastî, li gor îstîxbaratên derbarê vê mijarê de, du serkêşên kurd ên sereke ‘Ibrahim pacha el-Haski’ û ‘Farzanda beg’ giran birîndar bûne û tevî gelek peyrewên xwe hatine girtin. Li gor agahdêr, hejmara miriyan ji her du aliyan di navbera 400 û 500î de ne.46

Belgeyek din a 10ê Pûşbera 1932yan hepiskirina Ferzende piştrast dike:

Serekê kurd Baki beg, serhildêrê Çiyayê Agiriyê û pismamê Farzanda beg, demek berê li Bajergochê êrişî mufrezeyeke pasevanên sînorê Îranê kirin.

Li gor agahdêr, Baki begê ku xuya ye serekê komeke girîng a serhildêran e, piraniya mufrezeyê kuşt û pêncî kes girt, çar ji wan efser bûn.

Peyamek şand bo rayedarên li Tebrîzê ku dixwest serekê kurd Farzanda beg wê gavê serbest bê berdan, ya na di nav deh rojan de bi kuştina efserên ku dîl girtiye tehdît dikir.47

Hin belgeyên frensî hê jî destnîşan dikin ku Ferzende heta dawiya 1932yan şer dikir.48 Lê tişta teqez ew e ku xwe dispêre daxwaznameya Besrayê ya li jêr hatiye neqilkirin, Ferzende di sala 1939an de wextekê li girtîgehê miriye.

Derbarê Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de divê du xal bên binxêzkirin. Yek, wek encama ‘neteweperweriyên pêşbaz’49 li Rojhilata Navîn, serhildan dikare di asta pratîkî û rabêjî de bê analîzkirin. Di asta pratîkî de, teşebusên kurdan ên neteweperwer bi hevkariya dewletên ku di nav sînorên wan de kurd dijiyan, bi awayekî zalimane hatine perçiqandin. Belgeyek farisî a 27ê Pûşbera 1935an (5/4/1314)50 bi taybetî balkêş xuya dike. Xwe dispêre rojnameyên iraqî ku neqil dikin serhildêran li Tirkiyeyê li Mûşê qaymeqam û endamên artêşê kuştine û wiha pê de diçe:

… her çiqas Mûş ji sînorê Îranê dûr be jî, ji Mûşê heta sînorê Îranê, li piraniya herêmên kurd (tavāyef-e Kord) dijîn, muhtemel e ku kurd dîsa bibin yek û li hemberî dewleta Tirkiyeyê dest bi seferberiyan bikin û divê neyê jibîrkirin ku (nazar bih in ke) kurdên li Îranê dijîn cîranê sînorê bi Tirkiyê ve ne, seba bûyera Çiyayê Agiriyê, heta radeyekê dilteng (deltang) û rencîde (ranjida) bûne, gengaz e ku kurdên navborî bi armancên serhildêrên Tirkiyeyê re li hev bikin û careke din alozî (zahamāti rā towlid konand) derxin. Li gor agahiyên bi dest ketine (vāsilah), dewleta Iraqê jî baldar in (mowāzeb) û çavê wan li (morāghib) kurdê wan î ku nêzî sînorên bi Tirkiyeyê ve dijîn ku ew jî tevlî seferberiyan nebin.51

Ev belge nîşan dide ku ev, serdema netewe-dewletan e û gelên bêdewlet bi giştî ji bo dewletên hukim li wan dikin bersûc in. Tevî Îran, Iraq û Tirkiyeyê, Rûsyaya Sovyet jî hewl dide nehêle kurd bibin ‘sedema aloziyan’. Belgeyek farisî a 22yê Nîsana 1928an (2/2/1307) nîşe dike ku ûrisan li Naxçivana hemberî Çiyayê Araratê artêş bi cî kiriye da ku pêşiyê li kurdan bigre ku derbasî ser axa Rûsyayê nebin.52

Ligel çespandina leşkerî ya serhildanên kurd ên neteweperwer, di asta rabêjî de, kurd bi giştî di belgeyên fermî yên tirkî û farisî de wek alozîçêker tên şayesandin. Di nîşeyên rojane de ku ji aliyê endamekî îranî yê komisyona sînor hatiye nivîsandin, mirov dikare bo kurdan van binavkirinan bibîne: ekrāde vahshi (kurdên wehşî), ekrāde yaghi (kurdên asî), chapāavole ekrād (talana kurdan),53shaghāvat (bedmirov).54 Di hin belgeyên din î fermî de, mirov dikare gotinên wek fitna va fasād55 (fitne û fesadî) û ashrare Arārāt56 (asiyên Agiriyê) bibîne. Ji ber vê, di tomarên fermî yên farîsî û tirkî yên wê demê de pêşengên wek Simko57 û Ferzende58 wek eşqiya û talanker tên binavkirin. Lêkolîneke nû û balkêş a Nevcihan Karaosman li ser rabêjên îdeolojîk ên fermî yên dema Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê disekine. Karaosman, bi analîzkirina awayên ku nêzî kurdan û Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê dibin, dibîne ku ev belge her tim kurdan bi heywanan re didin ber hev. Di vê temsiliyetê de, kurd wek ‘heywan-mirov’, yanê tiştekî navbera mirov û heywanan de, tên dîtin. Ji ber vê yekê, operasyonên dewleta tirk ên li dijî serhildêrên kurd li ser esasê meşa ber bi pêşveçûn û şaristaniyê ve tên rewakirin ku yek ji wan balafir in ku pê tê sembolîzekirin.59 Di vê asta rabêjî de, wek ku ji aliyê Hamit Bozarslan ve jî hatiye dîtin, kurdbûn li hemberî tirkbûna medenî wek referansa paşdemayînê hatiye bikaranîn.60

A duyem, Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê dawî li nîqaşa derbarê sînor a di navbera Tirkiye û Îranê de aniye. Hêzên tirkan parçeyê Çiya yê li aliyê Îranê dagir kir da ku bikaribe Çiyayê Agiriyê ji destê serhildêran derxîne. Bi peymana ku di 23ê Çileya 1932yan de hate îmzekirin, li dora Wanê li Koturê hin cî bi ciyên dagirkirî yên li Çiyayê Agiriyê bi Îranê re hat pevguherandin.61 Wek ku dikare bê dîtin, di jinûveşikilgirtina netewe û netewe-dewletên tirk û faris de ji aliyê rabêjî û siyasî-erdnîgarî ve jî kurd aktorên çalak bûne. Ji aliyekî ve, temsîliyeta rabêjî ya fermî ya tirk û farisan derbarê kurdan de wek eşqiya, hov û talanker alîkariya kişandina sînorên serdest ên nasnameyên neteweyî yên tirk û farisan kiriye. Ji aliyê din ve, jinûvedirustkirina sînoran, da ku serhildêrên kurd têxin nav sînorên xwe, mîrata berdewam a Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê ye ku li ser sînorên axa her du netewe-dewletan pêk hatiye.

Ferzende û Besra di helbesta kurdî ya devkî de

Khachatur Abovyan (1809-48), damezrênerê zimanê ermenkî yê modern dibêje ku her jin û mêrê kurd helbestvan e û dikarin mijareke asayî ya di jiyana xwe de bi hêsanî bikin helbest.62 Oryantalîstê frensî Thomas Bois behsa ‘wêjeya devkî ya gelek-berhemdar û pir dewlemend a kurdan dike’.63 Ne tenê kurdologên pêşeng ên sedsalên nozdemîn û bîstemîn lê lêkolînerên hemdem jî di civak û çanda kurdan de girîngiya kevneşopên devkî dupat dikin. Bilhese, taybetmendiyeke berbiçav a helbesta kurdî ya devkî erka wê ya siyasî ye. Çawa ku Martin van Bruinessen rola ‘kevneşopa kurdî ya devkî li hemberî dîroknûsiya fermî ya navend-dewlet’64 destnîşan dike; her weha xebata Christine Allison jî nîşan dide ku kevneşopên êzidiyan ên devkî li Kurdistana Iraqê ji bo dîroka civata êzidî hişmendiyeke dîrokî dabîn dike.65 Wendelmoet Hamelink û Hanifi Barış îdîa dikin ku ‘… helbestên devkî nîşan didin ku gelek kurd erdnîgariya siyasî ya dewletê wek bi awayekî fermî aîdî wê bin dibînin û wek parçeyek rewa ya realîteya sosyo-polîtîk ya kurdan nabînin’.66 Bi heman awayî, lêkolînerekî din îdîa dike ku kevneşopên kurdî yên devkî ‘… awayên hostayî ku bi berxwedana populer a dijî awayê dewletê, û erkên civakî yên anekdot, henek û zanînê di civakên dîktatoryel de destnîşan didin’.67 Li dereke din min jî li ser analîza performansên dengbêj Reso (1910-83) û bi bikaranîna têgehên senaryoyên veşartî û dîroknasiyê ku James C. Scott û Jan Vansina pêşniyaz kiribûn, îdîa dikim ku erkên helbestên devkî wek senaryoyên veşartî û dij-vegotinên historiyolojîk in.68 Li ser esasê van şîroveyan, mirov dikare kevneşopên kurdî yên devkî wek zemîneke berhemdar qebûl bikin ku serî lê bidin bo vekolîna nerîna kurdan li Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê û Ferzende ku di helbesta kurdî de rû daye. Lê, li ser şopa şîroveye Ranajit Guha ku dibêje folklor jî dikare bibe bijartehez,69 wek ev performansa devkî ya taybet a li ser Ferzende jî nîşan dide, stranên kurdî jî ne azmûnên kurdên asayî lê bêtir ên serkêşên wek Ferzende nîşan didin.

Ji nerîna vekolîna dîrokî ve, strana ku bi navê Ferzende Beg tê zanîn ji ber du sedeman muhteşem e. Yek, mirov dikare vê helbesta kurdî ya devkî bi tomarên fermî yên ku ji aliyê dewletan ve hatine girtin, kontrol bike. Du, tevî Ferzendeyê serokeşîrê Hesenan, du lehengên jin hene: jina wî Besra û diya wî Asiya. Di navenda vê berhema ku devkî hatiye veguhêztin Ferzende heye, ku —tevî belgeyên arşîvî yên tirk, îran û frense ku li jor hatine kolandin— di berhemên kurdî yên nivîskî de jî xuya dibe.70 Xebatên nivîskar û lêkolînerên kurd bi giştî xwe dispêrin agahiyên devkî yên li ser jiyana Ferzende. Tomarên fermî yên berdest ên derbarê Ferzende de, hewce nake bê gotin, bi rola wî ya wek yek ji serkêşên Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê re guncav in.71

Cara ewil min navê Ferzende bi saya kilama Dengbêj Şakiro (1996) bihîst.72 Dirêjbûna wê zêdetirî heft deqeyan e. Min kilam ji performanseke taybet a Şakiro transkrîbe kir.73 Li ser YouTubê di girêdaneke din de, Şakiro heman berhemê bi tempoyeke nizimtir dibêje û ji ber vê gotinên wê baştir tê famkirin.74 Ligel performansa hêdîtir, di çavkaniyên cudatir de çendîn transkrîpsiyonên din jî —her çiqas ne heman varyasyon bin jî75 alîkariya min kirin ku hin peyv baştir bên famkirin. Digel ku min ji berawirdkirina çendîn transkrîpsiyonên cuda alîkarî wergirtibe jî, hê jî hin peyvên bo min ne zelal hebûn. Min hewl da bi guhdarîkirina Dengbêj Xenî heq ji vê werim û min ji wî li ser serpêhatiya Ferzende jî pirs kirin.76

Bi riya çavkaniyên yekem û duyem min çiqas bo Ferzende lêkolîn dikir, min bêtir girîngiya helbestên kurdî yê devkî derheqê rola wan a neqilkirina dîroka kurdî de fam dikir. Peyvên ku di performansa Şakiro de dihat bikaranîn peywenda siyasî û dîrokî ya şerê ku di berhemê de dihat vegotin nîşan dida. Stran, bi şayesandina şerê xwînî ku di navbera hêzên Ferzende û yên Îranê de pêk hatibû, çîrokê bi qismî ji devê sê kesan vedibêje: Ferzende, Besra û Asiya. Di vê performansê de, em navê bavê Ferzende Silemanê Ehmed jî ku di şer de hatiye kuştin; navê şervanekî din Keremê Qolaxasî, keça Ferzende Elfesiya û hespa wî Eznawir jî dibihîzin. Di hembêza Besrayê de dergûşek jî heye ku navê wî/wê nayê gotin.

Li vir divê xaleke girîng bê binxêzkirin ku di navbera versiyona ku min analîz kiriye û çar versiyonên din ku di koleksiyona Ordîxanê Celîl de peyda dibe, cudatiyeke mezin heye. Di koleksiyona Celîl de, ne Besra ne Asya ne jî îranî tên qalkirin. Lê behsa Contirkan tê kirin. Ji ber vê mirov dikare texmîn bike ku di van versiyonan de şer di navbera Ferzende û artêşa tirk de diqewime.77 Di versiyona ku li vir ez li ser disekinim, tenê carekê qala dewleta tirk tê kirin dema Ferzende dibêje: Em hene ji berê paş da qaçaxê romê ne firarê dewletê neû l’ welatê dordincî ordî mêr ser mi’ ra qe’ tune ne.

Di ravekirina şer de dibêje li Îranê diqewime, ku jin û zarokên mala Emer (kalikê Ferzende) jî tê de ne:

Asiyayê bi sê denga ban’ dikirî go ’de le lê Besrayê
Dayê rebenê78 sibe ye șerreka li me çê bû qaleka li me qewimî li sûra kafirê sala’
Irz û iyalê mala Emer li kavila îranê ser piştê manegiya, cî nabîne, sitar tunî ne, lê peya bî

Bi rastî jî şer şerekî dijwar xuya dike:

Şerr giran e Keremê Qolaxasî merkî merxas e b’ sê gula birîndar e tê kuştinê tu car tu zeman e jê venabî

Diyaloga di navbera Besra û Ferzende jî pir balkêş e. Dema Besrayê qala hêvîşikestina xwe dike, Ferzende dijwariya vî şerî binxêz dike ku ev şer ne wek şerê eşîran e:

Besrayê bi sê denga ban’ dikirî go’: ‘Ferzende mala te xirab be, te digo’ ez Ferzende me, ez Ferzende me
Ez bavê Elfesya, siwarê Eznawir im, xwedane kûçîk çapliyê me, l’ welatê dordincî ordî mer ser mi’ ra qe’ tune ne.’

Go’: ‘Besrayê agirê kule l’ qapiyê te ketî
Ez ê cote gulê tometîka vî zalimî birîndar im

Eva ne șerrê Hesenan e ne șerrê Heyderan e ne șerrê Cibran e ne șerrê donzde bavê eșîran e

Hewşa kafirê emîr tûman e ecem e bêșincî mezheb e be dîn û bê îman e Li ser serê me hurmînê topan e giregire tometîkan makîneliyan e
Li me birriye deqe û saniye nadiye me da tu molet û tu eman e

Gavê din da li qarîșê șerîeta Mihemed sekiniye j’ evar da ji mi’ ra dixwûnin meydan e ferman e wayyy.’

Mirov bi awayekî eşkere dikare bibîne, Îran û şiîtî zindiqiyê tîne bîra wan:79ecem, bêşincî mezheb, sêrbazan, bê dîn û bê îman. Amir tuman referanseke balkêş e ku divê bê diyarkirin. Rutbeyeke tê wateya tumgeneral ku fermandariya 10,000 kesan dike, rutbeya amir tuman di sala 1925an de hatiye rakirin û amir-e lashkar ketiye dewsa wê.80 Referansên bo saziyên sivîl û leşkerî yên tirk û îranî piranî di kevneşopên kurdî yên devkî de tên dîtin. Şakiro, di kilameke din de qala midêumûmî û hakim dike.81Qumandarê dewletê navê statuyek din a fermî ye ku di performansên din de wek Şerê Kopê[qezaya Bulanıka [Kop] niha ya bi ser Mûşê ve ye], ku şerê qehremanî yê Xalis (bavê Dilşayê) li hemberî Moskofan (ûris) tê bikaranîn: muhtemel e di Yekem Şerê Cîhanê de dema ûris dikêvin herêmê.82 Di çendîn berhemên din ên Şakiro de, mirov dikare hikumata cimhuriyetê,83 cendirmê Sînanê, mifreza Bismilê, qapiyê hikumatê û derê hikumatê,84 qaçax û fîrar û serkêşê dewletê,85 Misto Kemal û cendirmê singûliyan86 û dosyayê hikumatê87 bibîne. Hêjayî gotinê ye ku ev referansên sivîl û leşkerî piranî bilêvkirinên hinekî kurdîkirî ya versiyonên tirkî ne. Hamelink û Barış pir baş destnîşan dikin ku di stranên dengbêjan de referansên bo dewletê hesta biyanîbûnê dide.88 Di perywenda Îranê de wek ku di performansa taybet a mewzûbehîs de rû dide, mirov dikare tebeqeyek din a biyanîbûnê li ya etnîk zêde bike: zindiqbûna dînî. Çêrek deqerû heye bo eceman wek çar tixayê qecera (yanê çar kurên qacaran; wek biwêj gotineke biçûkxistinê/heqaretê ye). Faris jî wek mezheba pêncemîn, bê dîn û bê îman tên dîtin. Wek li hemberî şerîeta Mihemed bin tên qebûlkirin.

Asiya wiha gazî Besrayê dike:

Asiyayê bi sê denga ban’ dikirî go’: ‘de le le le lê Besrayê

Dayê rebenê sibe ye şerreka li me çêbû

Qaleka li me qewimî li sûra kafirê sala, hewşa emîr tûman, dayê rebenê, wiha bi gerr e

Mi’ dî’ teyrê ecelê j’ evar da ser serê Silemanê Ehmed komê Hesena ji evar da tev digere

Bawer bike qerebalix e yeqîn şerr e.

Asiyayê digote Besraye: ‘da dayê derguş ̧ a milê te lawîn e

Tu b’ destê Elfesya bigre ji navê derkev here’.

[Besra] go’: ‘lê dayê rebenê ji te ra ne eyb e tu j’ mi’ ra dibejî gotinê wer e

Bira derguş ̧ a milê mi’ l’ dora linge eşîra mala Emer her du peyay’ mala Mistefa Axa tev bigere.’

Derheqê vê helbestê de lazim e binê sê şîroveyan bê xêzkirin. Yek û ya girîngtirîn, di navenda strana vebêjî de, Ferzende wek şervanekî wêrek tê şayesandin. Em deynin ba van gotinên li jêr: Em hene ji berê paş da qaçxê romê ne fîrarê dewletê ne, ev rêzên li jor neqilkirî nîşan didin ku serpêhatiya wî tam di navbera dewletên tirk (rom) û îranî (ecem) de diqewime. Du, hebûna Asiya û Besrayê, wek Elfesiya û dergûşa biçûk xuya ye ne tesaduf e; bêtir, nîşan dide ku jin û zarok jî di nava şer de ne. Sê, navê hespa Ferzende (Eznawir) û markayên çekan (kûçik çapilî, sûstem, martêlya) derbarê teknolojiya wê dewrê de hurgilî dabîn dikin. Dema mirov bîranînên efserekî tirk dixwîne, wek mînak, mirov baştir fam dike girîngiya heywanan, tifingên makîneyî (makînelî) û çekên otomatîk (otomatik tûfek).89 Ya girîngtir, behskirina Ferzende ya hespa wî Eznawir û markayên çekan di vê kilamê de balkişandina Frantz Fanon a li ser awayên ku kevneşopên devkî hişmendiya neteweyî xurt dikin, tîne bîra mirov. Fanon destnîşan dike ku: ‘Meylek heye ku şer û pevçûnan rojane bikin û awayên şerkirinê modernîze bikin ku, tevî navên leheng û cureyên çekan, serpehatiyan bînin bîra mirov.’90

Bizayendkirina berxwedana kurd: Daxwaznameya Besrayê

Li Rojhilata Navîn jinên kurd piranî di keviyên akademiya feminîst de mane.91 Ji destpêka salên 2000î ve çendîn lêkolîn li ser dîroka jinên kurd li Îran û Tirkiyeyê hûr bûne.92 Helbesta kurdî ya devkî, her çiqas bi giştî bi riya dengê helbestkarekî mêr hatibin veguhêztin jî, resmekî mijûlî û hestên jinên kurd didin me. Li ser kilamek derheqê du xwişkên bi navên Elîfê û Emînê ku dikevin pey laşê birayên xwe Îskano ku di şerekî naveşîrî de hatiye kuştin, min li dereke din gotibû xuya dike stratejiyeke gelemperî ye ku navê merivên jin ên qehremanekî dixin nav vebêjê (wek xwişk, dayik an bûk) da ku bi guhdaren re hestên dilsot çêbike.93 Lê, temsîliyeta Besra û Asiyayê di vê helbesta mewzûbehîs de erkek wan bi vî awayî tune ye ji ber ku di şer de ew jî li gel Ferzende çalak in. Ev şîrove tê piştrastkirin bi çendîn çavkaniyên yekem dest û destê duyem ku li jêr tên nasandin.

Hin çavkanî destnîşan dikin hê beriya Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê jî jinên kurd bi awayekî çalak tevlî şerên biçek bûne. Celîlê Celîl ji rojnameyeke ermenî neqil dike ku dema Serhildana Bidlîsê ya di 1914an de, jinên kurd jî di serhildanê de çalak bûne.94 Heman çavdêrî di peywenda Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de jî heye.95 Alakom behsa şahidiya rojnamegera îngilîz Rosita Forbesê dike ku ‘dibêje jinên kurd nizanin tirs çi ye.’96 Digel ku riwangeya wê di dirûvên pêşdaraziyên tîpîk ên oryantalîst de be jî -wek mînak, nerîna wê bo kurdan wek ‘gelekî bê dîrok û bê wêje’97 seyhetnameya Forbesê çavkaniyeke bikêr a yekem dest e. Berhema wê ku bo Şahê Îranê, Qralê Iraqê û serokkomarê Tirkiyeyê hatiye terxankirin, derbarê serhildanê de van çavdêriyan dihewîne:

Niha kurd ji kêfa sermest bûne, seba ku sê êrişên li pey hev bi awayekî serkeftî têk birin, digel ku her carê yekîneyên li hemberî wan hatin bikaranîn texmînî pênc hezar bûn. Gelek çekên tirkan kete destê wan û du balafir anîn xwarê.

…

Sultan el Atrash bo Durziyan çi bû, Tello jî bo kurdên serhedê ew bû. Binavûdengiya wî ketiye stranan û bi qêrînkirina navê wî, jinan wê rahiştina çekên ku ji birîndaran ketin xwarê. Dema bi mêrên xwe re mil bi mil şer dikirin, te digot qey sporê dikin, ji ber ku di nav xwînê de vedigeriyan gundên xwe û bi serbilindî dikeniyan, ‘Em ji neyarên xwe natirsin. Dema em dibînin wa tên, em dikenin, ma li vir artêşek wê çawa xwe bigihîne me?’98

Motamadi, endamekî komisyona sînor a Îranê, dibêje ku li dor 14ê Kanûna 1930î (23/09/1309) vir ve, Ferzende û serkêşên din bangên bo teslîmbûnê qebûl nekirin (îhtimal e ew banga ku di kilama li ser Ferzende de derbas dibe). Dû re, Motamadi diyar dike ku piştî berxwedaneke tund (moghāvamate sakht), hêzên kurd dest bi xwevekişandinê kirin. Destnîşan dike piştî çend rojên bi şer, hin kurd hatin kuştin û birîndar bûn, du jin û çar mêr wek dîl hatin girtin.99 Motamadi, vê jî diyar dike di 20ê Kanûna 1930î de (29/09/1309), 30 jinên kurd li Bazîdê ji aliyê hêzên tirk ve bi çekan hatin înfazkirin.100 Belgeyek farisî diyar dike ku tirkan mêr, jin û zarokên ku ji kurdan wek dîl girtibûn hemû kuştin. Heman belge wiha dibêje: ‘biryar hatibû girtin hemû unsûrên kurd (mahve onsore Kord) wek ermenan (mesle Arāminah) ji holê rakin.’101

Çavkaniyek din ku di nav şer de hebûna çalak a jinên kurd nîşan dide, bîranînên efsereki tirk bi navê Zühtü Güven e ku di perçiqandina serhildanê de cî girtiye. Güven dibêje:

Çawa ku eşqiyayan dest bi êrişên xwe kirin, çekên me yî makîneyî gule berdan û yek guleyên ewil li eniya Ömer Besi ket, pevçûna li Taşburunê nêzî 8 seatan domand. Şerekî giran li guhera Çiyayê Agiriyê qewimî.

Jinên kurd ku li paş xeta şer li hev civiyabûn bêyî sekin diqîriyan: ‘Lu lu lu lu lu’!102

Ev peyvên wî taybetî pir dilsoj in: ‘Her tim dengê jinên eşqiyayan dihat me, digiriyan, diqîriyan… taybetî ew qîrîn û nalînên wan hê jî di guhên min de ne.’103 Ji teswîrên jêr jî mirov dikare bibîne zarok di nav şer de bûne: ‘Piştî van nîşaneyan dengê hîrehîra heywanan, dengê simê hespan, giriyê zarokan hat.’104

Çavkaniyên cûrbicûr yên ji yekem an duyem dest ku heta niha hatin pêşkêşkirin li hev dikin ku jinên kurd parçeyek şerê li Çiyayê Agiriyê bûne.105 Di vî warî de berhemeke pir girîng berhema Kaveh Bayāt a navborî ye. Bayāt diyar dike ku “53 jin û zarokên serhildêrên Agiriyê” li Tebrîzê Dar al-Tarbiyatê de hatin mihafezekirin. Bayāt qala hin şexsiyetên din jî dike ku, di bin navê ‘Kurdên Agiriyê’ de, li Îranê deverên curbicur di hefsa malî de bûne. Di nav van şexsiyetan de li Tehranê du jin hebûn di hefsa malî de: Besraya jina Ferzende û Rubabeya jina Bro Hesso.106 Di hin çavkaniyên din î destê duyem de ku xwe dispêrin şahidiyên devkî, bêtir agahî hene derbarê van şexsiyetan de. Tê gotin Besra berê bi zilamekî dewlemend î serokeşîr, bi navê Mihê re zewicî bûye. Piştî mirina wî Ferzende bi Besra re zewiciye.107

Keşifa berbiçav a vê xebatê daxwaznameya Besrayê ye ku min ji arşîvên Meclîsa Îranê peyda kiriye. Ev daxwaznameya ku ji Serokatiya Meclîsa Neteweyî ya Îstîşareyê (Riyaset-e Majles-e Shoraye Melli) re 3ê Mijdara 1941ê de (12/8/1320) hatiye nivîsandin û li dawiya vê gotarê hatiye zêdekirin, dengê qehra Besrayê digihîne me ku di hefsa malî de girtî ye. Bi vê daxwaznameyê daxwaza serbest berdanê dike:

Ez xulam Besra, jina rihmetî Ferzendeyê ji Tirkiyeyê, ji ber mêrê xwe ev deh sal e di hefsa malî de me. Mêrê min du sal berê di Hefsa Qesrê de koça dawî kir. Hevalên mêrê min, ku di bin çavan de an bi wî re di girtîgehan de bûn, li ser efûya giştî hatin serbestberdan û çûn. Ger mêrê min sax bûya, bê guman ew ê jî bihata berdan. Ewçax (digar), hûn çima vê xulamê serbest bernadin? Dibêjin ‘dosyeya te li komisyona adaletê ye’. Vê xulamê çi kiriye û ev çi dosye ye ku dibêjin heta niha nikaribûn biryara xwe bidin?108

Di kilama kurdî ya devkî de hebûna Besrayê, di hin tomarên din î nivîskî de hebûna wê ya muhtemel û ku hê nehatiye teşxîskirin, hebûna wê ya di nav belgeyên arşîva Îranê de aktorbûna wê ya siyasî piştrast dikin. Digel ku mêrê wê miriye, ew hê jî ji aliyê dewleta Îranê ve di hefsa malî de girtî ye. Daxwaznameya Besrayê bi me dide zanîn ku Ferzende Beg li Tehranê di Hefsa Qesrê de sala 1939an de koça dawî kiriye. 109 Kaveh Bayāt bi farisî belgeyek fermî ya girîng ya 23ê Nîsana 1942 (3/2/1321) dabîn dike. Bayāt wiha diyar dike:

… di destpêka sala 1321ê de Îhsan Nûrî ligel Yusuf Ali mohajir, Besra Xanim Hesenanî, Timûr Celalî, Şemsedîn Celalî, Îlxanî Celalî û Muhammed Derwîş serî li Wezareta welêt didin û wek li jêr daxwaz dikin: ji ber ku mesrefên jiyanê gelekî zêde bûne, an bila miqdara pereyê ku tê dayin bê zêdekirin an bila [ew] bên berdan (kharej shavand) ji hefsa malî (az hālat-e taht-e nazar boodan) da ku bikaribin debara xwe bikin (tā khod barāye tamin-e maash-e khish eghdām konand).110

Lewma mirov dikare bibîne ku Besra, Îhsan Nûrî û yên din di Nîsana 1942yan de hê jî di bin kontrolê de ne. Alakom, di berhema xwe ya li ser Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de ku têra xwe agahî dide, şahidiya devkî ya Zerîfe Xanim, jina Nadir Beg kurê Husên Paşa, yek ji şervanên kurd, neqil dike.111 Tekane çavkaniya derbarê taliya serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê de ku min karî peyda bikim şahidiya Zerîfe Xanim e:

Dema Ferzende li Navorê112 (gundekî li sînorê Tirkiye-Îranê) bû, hêzên Îranê yên çekdar gund dorpêç dikin. Ferzende Beg dibêje: ‘Ger Îran temînat nede ku wê me nede polîsan û neşîne hefsê, ez teslîm nabim.’ Dû re, dest pê dike bi yekîneyên îranî re şer dike. Gelek kes tên kuştin, kurê wî yê heft salî jî tê kuştin. Birîndar dibe, birîna wî giran e. Birîndar û jihalketî, tê girtin. Li ser darbestê tê birin bo Kelaxoyê [?]. Piştre, dest û lingên wî tên zincîrkirin, tê birin bo Tehranê, hefsa Qesrî Qencerê [d.r.w.]. Jina wî Besra yê anîn ba me. Nadir Beg jî di heman hefsê de dima, ji ber bûyereke din ku ez ê dû re vebêjim. Ez û Besra em diçûn serdana wan. Efserên hefsê ji me re gelek alozî derdixistin dema serdana Ferzende Beg de. Dema em didîtin, bi serê bavê xwe Silêman sond dixwar û digot weku lingen wî zincîrkirî be hest dike. Piştî demek din, Ferzende mir. Hikûmeta Îranê laşê wî dan jina wî Besrayê, her du çavên wî hatibûn derxistin.113

Zerîfe Xanim dewam dike dibêje Ferzende li Tehranê veşartine. Heta Nadir serbest hat berdan, çar salên din jî li Tehranê mane. Dû re, vegeriyane Tirkiyeyê. Vê jî dibêje ku Besra bi tiyê xwe Kazim re zewiciye. Zerîfe Xanim taliyê de destnîşan dike ku ji ber bandora wan bûyerên trawmatîk ku hatibûn serê wê, Besrayê hişê xwe avêt.114

Encam

Bi qasî ku trajediyeke însanî ye, em ji aliyê dîrokî ve binerin, trajediya di serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê de îfadeya xwe ya bicih di gotinên efserê tirk de dibîne ku di destpêka vê gotarê de hatibû neqilkirin: Ne di nav axa me de ne jî li Îranê ji wan re tu cî nemabû xwe lê veşêrin. Ferzende û Besra di cîhanekê de dijiyan ku veguherînên siyasî yên radîkal çêdibûn, netewe-dewletên navendîkirî yên xwedî sînorên teqez ketibûn dewsa împeretoriyan. Li ser sînorên netewe û netewe-dewletên tirk û îranî, salên dawî yên jiyana Ferzende û Besrayê bi berxwedana biçek, sirgûn, hepiskirin, îşkence, trawma û aqilavêtinê derbas bûn. Ew qurbanên du netewe-dewletên serfiraz bûn, lê di diyarkirina sînorên niha yên netewe-dewletên wan li dij çek rahiştibûnê de aktorên çalak bûn jî. Serpêhatiya wan beşek ji dîroka civakî ya Rojhilata Navîn a modern ku heta niha nedihat zanîn kişf dike. Lê dema mirov ji 2016an ve li pey xwe li dîroka kişf dibe dinere, mirov nikare bi xwe ku nebêje serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê tenê pêşhatiyên kurdên wek wan li ser sînoran bûn.

Spasî

Hin belgeyên di vê xebatê de, dema min lêkolînên bo teza xwe dikir ku li Tirkiyeyê di salên 2008-2009an de ji aliyê Enstîtuya Amerîkî ya Lekolînan li Tirkiyeyê (American Research Institute in Turkey) û li Parîsê di salên 2009-2010an de bi Bursa Honigbergê ya bo Lêkolînên li Parisê (2009-2010 Honigberg Fellowship for Study in Paris) hate piştevanîkirin, peyda kiribûn. Fikra bo vê gotarê piştî çûnên min î Îranê ya bo lêkolînan di havînên 2012 û 2013yan de dest pê kir. Mayina havîna 2013yan ji aliyê bursa 2219 a Saziya bo Lêkolînên Zanistî û Teknolojîk a Tirkiyeyê (Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştırmalar Kurumu) hate destekkirin. Ez spasdar im bo xebatkarên van arşîvan: Wezareta Karên Derve, li Nantesê Navenda Arşîvên Dîplomatîk (MAE, CADN: Ministère des Affaires Etrangères,Centre desArchivesDiplomatiques de Nantes), li Enqereyê Arşîvên Komarê yên Serokwezîriyê (BCA: Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivleri) û li Tehranê Kitêbxane, Mûze û Navenda Belgeyên Meclîsa Îstîşareyê Îslamî (Ketabkhāne, Mooze va Markaz-e Esnād-e Majles-e Shoorā-ye Eslāmi). Ji bo alîkariya wan a di merhaleyên cuda yên nivîsandina vê gotarê de ez spasdarê van navan im: Hamit Bozarslan, Mezher Yüksel, Rojda Alaç, Handan Çağlayan, Kamal Soleimani, Shahrzad Mojab û hevpîşeyên min î îranî yên din. Versiyoneke ewil ya vê xebatê li Enqereyê 23-25ê Mijdara 2015an de di 14mîn Konferansa Neteweyî ya Zanistên Civakî de ku ji aliyê Komeleya Zanistên Civakî ya Tirk hatibû birêkxistin, hatibû pêşkêşkirin.

* Ev gotar cara ewil 30ê Adara 2016an di malpera kovara Middle Eastern Studiesê de çap bû. Referansa çapkirî weha ye: Metin Yüksel (2016), “On the borders of the Turkish and Iranian nation-states: the story of Ferzende and Besra,” Middle Eastern Studies, 52: 4, 656-676, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1147436. Em spasdarê edîtora Middle Eastern Studiesê ne ku icaze dan em wergera kurdî di Zaremayê da biweşînin. (ed.)

1 R. Alakom (ed.), Bir Türk Subayının Ağrı İsyanı Anıları (İstanbul: Avesta, 2011), r.122. Ger bi awayekî din nehatibe diyarkirin, hemû wergerên ji tirkî, kurdî, farisî û frensî bo îngilîzî aîdî min in.

2 B. Anderson, Imagined Communities (London and New York: Verso, 2006), r.113.

3 H. Bozarslan, ‘Kürd Milliyetçiliği ve Kürd Hareketi (1898-2000)’, di nav T. Bora (ed.), Modern Turkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Milliyetc ̧ilik (İstanbul: İletişim, 2002), rr.841-70.

4 Ji bo bêtir agahî li ser serdema ji sedsala nozdemîn heta Yekem Şerê Cîhanê, bnr. S. Ates ̧, Ottoman-Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

5 C. Tilly, ‘War Making and State Making as Organized Crime’, di nav P. Evans, D. Rueschemeyer û T. Skocpol (eds.), Bringing the State Back In, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), r.181.

6 İ. Beşikçi, Türk Tarih Tezi, Güneş-Dil Teorisi ve Kürt Sorunu (Ankara: Yurt Kitap-Yayın, 1991); H. Yılmaz, Becoming Turkish: Nationalist Reforms and Cultural Negotiations in Early Republican Turkey (New York: Syracuse University Press, 2013); G. D. Brockett, How Happy to Call Oneself a Turk: Provincial Newspapers and the Negotiation of a Muslim National Identity (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011); F. Vejdani, Making History in Iran: Education, Nationalism, and Print Culture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015); S. Cronin, Tribal Politics in Iran: Rural Conflict and the New State, 1921-1941 (London and New York: Routledge, 2007); M. Yüksel, “An Unintended Consequence of Modernization in Turkey: Nationalist Reactions from Its Periphery” (Ankara: Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Middle East Technical University, 2007).

7 J. C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: an Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009), rr.4-5.

8 Y. Akın, ‘Reconsidering State, Party, and Society in Early Republican Turkey: Politics of Petitioning’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Cild.39 (2007), rr. 435–57; S. Aslan, ‘Everyday Forms of State Power and the Kurds in the Early Turkish Republic’, International Journal of Middle East Studies Cild.43, No.1 (2011), rr. 75-93; C. Koc ̧ak, Tek-Parti Döneminde Muhalif Sesler (İstanbul: İletişim, 2011); T. Atabaki (ed.), State and the Subaltern: Authoritarian Modernisation in Turkey and Iran (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007).

9 R. Guha, ‘The Prose of Counter-Insurgency’, di nav R. Guha and G. Chakravorty Spivak (eds.), Selected Subaltern Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), rr.45-86.

10 A. Marashi, ‘Performing the Nation: The Shah’s Official State Visit to Kemalist Turkey, June to July 1934’, di nav S. Cronin (ed.), The Making of Modern Iran: State and Society under Riza Shah, 1921-1941 (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), r.107.

11 E. Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), r.148.

12 N.R. Keddie, Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2006), r. 99.

13 G.R.G. Hambly, ‘The Pahlavi Autocracy: Riza Shah, 1921-1941’, di nav P. Avery, G. Hambly û C. Melville (eds.), The Cambridge History of Iran: From Nadir Shah to the Islamic Republic, cild.7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), r. 221.

14 Bnb., rr.234-5. Ji bo riwangeya Riza Şah a derbarê modernîzasyona Îranê, bnr. seyahatnameya wî: Reza Shāh-e Pahlavi, Safarhā-ye Rezā Shāh-e Pahlavi bih Khuzistan va Māzandarān (Tehran: Kamāl Andishah, 1386 [2007]).

15 H. Katouzian, The Persians: Ancient, Medieval and Modern Iran (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2010), r. 213.

16 T. Atabaki û E.J. Zürcher, ‘Introduction’, di nav T. Atabaki û E. J. Zürcher (eds.), Men of Order: Authoritarian Modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2004), r. 6.

17 Bnr., wek mînak, F.M. Göçek, Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of the Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996); M. Yeğen, ‘The Turkish State Discourse and the Exclusion of Kurdish Identity’, Middle Eastern Studies, cild. 32, hej. 2 (1996), rr. 216-29.

18 E.J. Zürcher, Modernleşen Türkiye’nin Tarihi (İstanbul: İletişim, 2000), rr. 272-3.

19 H. Bozarslan, ‘Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey: From Tacit Contract to Rebellion (1919- 1925)’, di navA. Vali (ed.), Essays on the Origins of Kurdish Nationalism (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 2003), rr.180-1.

20 N. Maksudyan, Türklüğü Ölçmek (İstanbul: Metis, 2007).

21 A. Mango, ‘The Kurds’, di nav M. Heper and S. Sayarı (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), r.250. Metin Heper jî du serdemên şerên kurdan yê bi çek (serdemên 1925-1938 û piştî 1984) wek ‘demên “aloziyan” binav dike, ku nêzîkbûna wî ya dewlet-navend nîşan dide. M. Heper, The State and Kurds in Turkey: the Question of Assimilation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). Stephanie Cronin akademiya niha ya derbarê Îrana modern li ser van esasan rexne dike: Cronin, Tribal Politics in Iran.

22 H. Bozarslan, ‘Kürt Milliyetçiliği ve Kürt Hareketi (1898-2000)’, r.849.

23 D. Chatty, Displacement and Dispossession in the Modern Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), r. 262.

24 K. Solhmirzāi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1304-1320) [1925-41] (Tehran: Sazmān-e Esnād va Ketabkhāne-ye Melli-ye Jomhouri-ye Eslāmi-ye Iran, 1382), r. 251.

25 N. Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937) (Tehran: Markaz-e Esnād va Tārikh-e Diplomasi, 1386), rr. 269-70.

26 R. Olson, ‘The Kurdish Rebellions of Sheikh Said (1925), Mt. Ararat (1930), and Dersim (1937-38): Their Impact on the Development of the Turkish Air Force and on Kurdish and Turkish Nationalism’, Die Welt des Islams, cild. 40, hej.1 (Adar, 2000), r.81. Ji bo bîranînên wî, bnr. İhsan Nuri, Ağrı Dağı İsyanı (İstanbul: Med Publications, 1992). Ji bo jînenîgariya wî, bnr. Nezîrê Cibo, ‘İhsan Nuri Paşa (1893-1976)’, Kovara Bir 7 (2010) (available at: http://www.kovarabir.com/tag/ ferzende-beg/) (ketina malpêrê Tebax 21, 2015). Îhsan Nûrî Paşa di çavkaniyên arşîvkî yên farisî de gelek caran xuya dike: Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), rr.242-3, 245, 250, 255-6.

27 Chatty, Displacement and Dispossession in the Modern Middle East, r.262.

28 Olson, ‘The Kurdish Rebellions of Sheikh Said (1925), Mt. Ararat (1930), û Dersim (1937- 8)’, r.68.

29 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), rr.225, 228-9, 233, 246, 247, 249.

30 MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 72, Adana, le 10 Decembre 1931; MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 1782, Beyrouth, le 9 Avril 1932.

31 Rıdvanbeyoğlu H. Gerede, Siyasi Hatıralarım I: İran (İstanbul: Vakit Basımevi, 1952), r.153.

32 Bnb., r.152.

33 Bnb., r.153.

34 K. Bayāt, Shoorash-e Kordhā-ye Torkiya va Tasir-e ān bar Ravābet-e Khariji-ye Irān (1307- 1311) (Tehrān: Nashr-e Tārikh-e Irān, 1374), r.31.

35 MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 193, Beyrouth, le 11 Janvi- er 1932.

36 * d.r.w.: deqa resen de wisa ye. R. Forbes, Conflict: Angora to Afghanistan (London: Cassell, 1931), r.264.

37 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), r.238.39. Bnb., r.239.

38 Bnb., r.239.

39 Olson, ‘The Kurdish Rebellions of Sheikh Said (1925), Mt. Ararat (1930), and Dersim (1937-8)’, r.88.

40 Alakom, Bir Türk Subayının Ağrı İsyanı Anıları, r.147.

41 R. Alakom, Hoybun Örgütü ve Ağrı Ayaklanması (İstanbul: Avesta, 2011), r.155. Bnr: İ. İnönü, Hatıralar: 2. Kitap (İstanbul: Bilgi, 1987), r.266.

42 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), rr.242, 243, 255-6, 260.

43 Performansa Dengbêj Şakiro di YouTubê de wek “Dengbêj Şakiro – Keremê Ali (Gelye zilan)’ zêmareke bo komkujiya li Zîlanê û ‘zarokên li devê singûyan’: (gihandina malpêrê 27 Tebax 2015).

44 N. Karaosman, “Doğa, Toplum ve Modern Devlet: Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemine Yeniden Bakmak” (Ankara: Unpublished Master’s Thesis at Hacettepe University, 2015), rr.92-4, 96-102.

45 H. Arfa, Kürtler (İstanbul: Avesta, 2006), r.55.

46 MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 2067, Beyrouth, le 27 Avril 1932. Halê resen wiha ye: On signale que de violents combats se sont déroulés du 6 au 10 avril courant sur la frontière turco-persane contre les insurgés kurdes de l’Agri-dagh. Une grande offensive declenchée par les troupes turques soutenues par des forces persanes aurait, parait-il, été désastreuse pour les insurgés. En effet, suivant les renseignements parvenus à ce sujet, les deux principaux chefs kurdes, Ibrahim pacha el-Haski et Farzanda bey, auraient été grièvement blessés et faits prisonniers avec un grand nombre des leurs. D’après l’informateur le nombre des tués serait 400 à 500 hommes de part et d’autre. Tevî vê belgeyê, çend belgeyên din î bi frensî û tirkî û helbesta devkî ku di vê xebatê de li ser tê sekinîn jî di teza min a doktorayê ya neçapkirî de peyda dibin: M. Yüksel, Dengbêj, Mullah, Intelligentsia: the Survival and Revival of the Kurdish-Kurmanji Language in the Middle East, 1925-1960 (Chicago: Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University Chicago, 2011), rr.124-5.

47 MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 2757, Beyrouth, le 10 Juin 1932. Halê wê resen wiha ye:
Baki Bey, chef kurde, insurgé du Djebal-Ararat, et cousin de Farzanda Bey, aurait attaqu récemment un détachement garde frontière persan, à Bajergoch. Suivant l’informateur, Baki Bey, qui était, parait-il, à la tête d’un groupe important d’insurgés, aurait décimé de détachement et fait une cinquantaine de prisonniers dont quatre officiers. Il aurait adresséun message aux autorités de Tepriez demandant la mise en liberté immédiate de Farzanda Bey, chef kurde, tombé récemment entre les mains des troupes persanes, sous la menace de faire mettre à mort dans un délai de dix jours les officiers qu’il détient prisonniers.

48 MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, 23 Aout 1932; MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 2877, Beyrouth, le 17 Aout 1934; MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 4428, Beyrouth, le 12 Aout 1938. Ji Arşîvên Ofîsa Karên Derve sêzdeh cîldên bi hezaran rûpelên belgeyan ên derbarê kurdan de hatin çapkirin. Mixabin, min nikarîbû vê çavkaniya giranbiha bi dest bixim; lê ez bawer dikim mirov dikare di van belgeyan de jî resmekî hinek bi nuans ê serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê bibîne. Referansa temamî wisa ye: A. Burdett (ed.) Records of the Kurds: Territory, Revolt and Nationalism, 1831-1979 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

49 J.L. Gelvin, The Modern Middle East: a History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); K. Soleimani, Islam and Competing Nationalisms: The Kurds and the Turks in the Late Ottoman Era (New York: Unpublished PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2014).

50 Ji bo dîrokên salnameya îranî veguhêzim bo a gregoriyen min ev malpêr bi kar anî: http:// www.taghvim.com/converter (gihandina malpêrê 31 Tebax 2015).

51 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), r.263.

52 Solhmirzai, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1304-1320) [1925-1941], r.232.

53 R. Motamadi, Marzhā-ye Iran va Torkiya: Sharh-e Gozārashāt va Vaghāye-e Yowmiya-e Komisyonhā-ye Tahdid-e Hodood-e Iran va Torkiya dar Salhā-ye 1309 va 1312 (Tehran: Pardis Danesh, 1389), rr.7, 16.

54 Bnb., rr.29-30.

55 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), r.245.

56 Bnb., r.262.

57 Motamadi, Marzhā-ye Iran va Torkiya, rr.29-30.

58 BCA, Fon Kodu: 30.10.0.0, Yer No: 127.912.10, 5/6/1928; BCA, Fon Kodu: 30.10.0.0, Yer No: 112.758.20; 30/7/1929; BCA, Fon Kodu: 30.10.0.0, Yer No: 112.759.1, 1/8/1929; BCA, Fon Kodu: 30.10.0.0, Yer No: 112.759.2, 3/8/1929. Belgeyek frensî destnîşan dike ku Ferzende êrişî kûryeyekî kiriye û ew şêlandiye; zêr û 800-6.500 lîre pere biriye: MAE, CADN, Beyrouth Cabinet Politique 570, Information No. 498, Beyrouth, le 29 Janvier 1932.

59 Karaosman, Doğa, Toplum ve Modern Devlet.

60 Bozarslan, ‘Kürd Milliyetçiliği ve Kürd Hareketi (1898-2000)’.

61 G. Çetinsaya, ‘Atatürk Dönemi Türkiye-İran İlişkileri, 1926-1938’, Avrasya Dosyası: Uluslararası İlişkiler ve Stratejik Araştırmalar Dergisi, C.5, Hej.3 (Payiz 1999), r.167; L.H. Akgül, ‘Rıza Han’ın (Rıza Şah Pehlevi) Türkiye Ziyareti’, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları, No. 7 (2005), r.8; N. Abdulla, İmparatorluk, Sınır ve Aşiret: Kürdistan ve 1843-1932 Türk-Fars Sınır Çatışması (İstanbul: Avesta, 2009), rr.320-1.

62 M. Yüksel, Kolana Weşengîra, Xaniyê 3, Apartamênta Hijmara 6, Êrîvan: Kurdolojî û Malbata Celîlan: Hevpeyvîn bi Celîlê Celîl û Cemîla Celîl ra (İstanbul: Avesta, 2014), r.99.

63 T. Bois and V. Minorsky, ‘Kurds, Kurdistan’, di nav C.E. Bosworth et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Islam, C. 5 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986).

64 M. van Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State: Social and Political Structure of Kurdistan (London: Zed, 1992), r.308.

65 C. Allison, The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan (Surrey: Curzon, 2001).

66 W. Hamelink û H. Barıs, ‘Dengbejs on Borderlands: Borders and the State as Seen Through the Eyes of Kurdish Singer-Poets’, Kurdish Studies, C.2, Hej.1 (2014), r.34.

67 U.Ü . Üngör, ‘Rethinking the Violence of Pacification: State Formation and Bandits in Turkey, 1914-1937’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, C.54, Hej.4 (2012), r.765.

68 Yüksel, Dengbêj, Mullah, Intelligentsia, rr.96-105.

69 R. Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), r.15.

70 Cegerxwîn di helbesta xwe ya bi navê ‘Em Guhderz in’ de qala Ferzende jî dike ligel le- hengên din î kurd wek Îhsan: Cegerxwîn, Agir û Pirûsk (Stenbol: Avesta, 2008), rr.113-4. Yek ji çar lehengên çîroka Osman Sebrî ya bi navê ‘Çar Leheng’ de Ferzende ye. W.M. Thackston, ‘Osman Sebrî: Çar Leheng: Leheng I: Ferzende Beg’, di nav Kurmanji Kurd- ish: a Reference with Selected Readings, rr.92-4 (http://www.fas.harvard.edu/»iranian/ Kurmanji/kurmanji_1_grammar.pdf) (gihandin 22 Çile 2011).

71 Motamadi, Marzhā-ye Iran va Torkiya, r.159.

72 Lê divê bê gotin ku performansa Şakiro bi helbesta devkî ya kevintir ya Reso (1910-1983) re ku performansên wî gelemperî bandora xwe li ser ên Şakiro hiştiye him ji aliyê peyvan him ji aliyê rîtmê ve. Performansên Reso li ser Ferzende li vir peyda dibe: https://www.youtube. com/watch?vDvLlODZHF-SE (accessed 24 Tebax 2015). This performance is listed on youtube as follows: ‘Reso -Keremê Qolaxasi u Ferzende Bavê Elfezya .axao limin-’

73 ‘Ferzende Beg’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vD (gihandin 9 Tebax 2015).

74 ‘Ferzende Beg’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vD (gihandin 14 Tebax 2015).

75 O.C. Calîlov, Stranê Kurdaye Tarîqîyê (Sankt Peterbûrg: Akademiya Zanistîyê ya Rûsyayê, 2003), rr.476-8; Y. Çamlıbel, Agirî Sahipsiz Değildir (Diyarbakır: Deng, 2007); S. Kevırbıri, Yirmi Olay, Yirmi Kılam: Kürt Halk Türkülerinden Seçmeler (İstanbul: Evrensel, 2004). Ez spasdar im bo Celîlê Celîl bala min kişand ser berhema yekem.

76 Spas bo Dengbêj Xenî ku min 21ê Tebaxa 2015an de pê re hevpeyvîn çêkir.

77 Calîlov, Stranê Kurdaye Tarîqîyê, rr.476-8.

78 Ev biwêja ku gelek caran tê bikaranîn wateya wê “dayika hejar, bêsiûd, xizan” e. Bi wateya biwêjkî, hestên dilşewat, trajedî û xizaniya miroveke êşkêş îma dike.

79 Divê bê diyarkirin ku di performansa Reso de ku Şakiro bi tarza xwe ji nû ve şîrove kiriye, têgehek din heye ku li qada ferhenga zindiqiya Îranê zêde kiriye wek ku di vê helbesta kurdî ya devkî de tê temsîlkirin: qizilbaş.

80 https://www.iranica.com/articles/amir-e-tuman-commander-of-10000-men-a-military-rank- orig gihandin: 18 Tebax 2015).

81 ‘Saliho û Nûrê’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vD8RsVZSwZOPw (gihandin 18 Tebax 2015)

82 ‘Şerê Kopê’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vDJK50Y3FUdUY (gihandin 18 Tebax 2015).

83 ‘Lo Axao’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vDdPK5IzsDizU (gihandin 19 Tebax 2015).

84 ‘Bavê Becet’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vD5tWkMqPgjfs (gihandin 20 Tebax 2015).

85 ‘Lo lo Riza’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vDhQyGXSPhfgA (gihandin 20 Tebax 2015).

86 ‘Kekê Xiyasedîn’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vDrytDNzN3VUw (gihandin 20 Tebax 2015).

87 ‘Deran’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?vDIHBO3bLyU9E (gihandin 31 Tebax 2015).

88 Hamelink û Barış ̧, ‘Dengbêjs on borderlands: Borders and the state as seen through the eyes of Kurdish singer-poets’.

89 Alakom, Bir Türk Subayının Ağrı İsyanı Anıları, rr.94, 101, 105, 111.

90 Nql. J. McLeod, Beginning Postcolonialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), r.87.

91 Wek mînak, bnr. N.R. Keddie û B. Baron (eds.), Women in Middle Eastern History: Shifting Boundaries in Sex and Gender (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992); L. AbuLughod (ed.), Remaking Women: Feminism and Modernity in the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998).

92 S. Mojab (ed.), Women of a non-State Nation: the Kurds (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 2001); S. Mojab, ‘Kurdish women’, di nav Suad Joseph (ed.), Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Law and Politics, C.II (Brill: Leiden, 2005), rr.358-66; S. Yeşil, Unfolding Republican Patriarchy: the Case of Young Kurdish Women at the Girls’ Vocational Boarding School in Elazığ (Ankara: Unpublished master’s thesis, Middle East Technical University, 2003); Z. Turkyılmaz, ‘White Women’s Burden: Educating the “Mountain Flowers” of Dersim’, Talk delivered at Hrant Dink Memorial Workshop: ‘Gender, Ethnicity and the Nation-State: Anatolia and Its Neighboring Regions’, Sabancı University, İstanbul, 21-24 Gulan 2009.

93 Yüksel, “Dengbêj, Mullah, Intelligentsia”, rr.132-3.

94 C. Celîl, Kürt Aydınlanması (İstanbul: Avesta, 1998), rr.144, 147.

95 Çamlıbel, Agirî Sahipsiz Değildir, rr.89-92.

96 Alakom, Hoybûn Örgütü ve Ağrı Ayaklanması, r.136.

97 Forbes, Conflict: Angora to Afghanistan, rr.260-1.

98 Bnb., r.264.

99 Motamadi, Marzhā-ye Iran va Torkiya, rr.223-4.

100 Bnb., r.228.

101 Dehnavi, Esnādi az Ravābet-e Iran va Torkiya (1922-1937), rr.244-5.

102 Alakom, Bir Türk Subayının Ağrı İsyanı Anıları, rr.77–8.

103 Bnb., r.104.

104 Bnb., r.107.

105 Li vir lazim e kevanek bê vekirin. Berhema Rohat Alakom a balkêş li ser jinên kurd di wêjeya tirkî de nîşan dide du heb ji romanên tirkî ku pir kêm in derbarê Serhildana Çiyayê Agiriyê de du keçên kurd diresimîne ku dil ketine efserên tirk. Di şexsiyeta jinên lawaz ên kurd de, Alakom îdîa dike, nivîskarên van romanan kurda bi kurdên teslîmî tirka dibin nîşan didin, tirkan jî bi efserê tirk sembolîze dikin. R. Alakom, Türk Edebiyatında Kürtler (İstanbul: Avesta, 2010), rr.98-9.

106 Bayāt, Shoorash-e Kordhā-ye Torkiya, rr.179-80.

107 A. Aras, Serhildana Seyîdan û Berazan [Seyîtxan-Elîcan-Fesihê Mihê Mîrze] (İstanbul: Weşanên Perî, 2009), rr.34–5.

108 Ji Kitêbxane, Muze û Navenda Belgeyên Meclîsa Îstişareyî ya Islamî (Ketabkhāne, Moozah va Markaz-e Esnād-e Majles-e Shoorā-ye Eslāmi), kopiya daxwaznameya li dawiya vê gotarê hatiye zêdekirin.

109 Nivîskarê navdar î îranî yê çepgir Bozorg Alavi jî di girtîgeha Qesrê de nêzî heman demê zindankirî bû. Pirtûka wî Varaq-pārahā-ye Zendān (Ji Girtîgehê Parçeyên Kaxizan) ku hema piştî serbest berdana wî hate çapkirin, “berhevokeke pênc çîrokan e ku di dewra Riza Şah de (1925-41) hêvî û hêvîşikestinên jiyana di girtîgehê de bi hûrgilî dike”: http://www. iranicaonline.org/articles/alavibozorg-novelist (accessed 2 Îlon 2015). Çîroka bi navê “Afw-e Omomi” (Efûya Giştî) qala bextewariya girtiyên kurd dike dema nûçe dibêjin wê efûya giştî derkeve: B. Alavi, Varaq-pārahā-ye Zendan (Tehran: Moassasa-ye Enteshārāt-e Negah, 1386), r.65. Alavi diyar dike ku komeke çepgirên ku wek 53 kes dihatin naskirin di dawiya Kanûna 1937an de hatibûn şandin bo Girtîgeha Qesrê. Alavi, wek di Ji Girtîgehê Parçeyên Kaxizan de di him 53 Nafar û bîranên xwe de jî, qala girtiyên kurd û lorî dike. Îşkenceyên li girtîgeha Qesrê dihat kirin jî dişayesîne. Di pirtûkê de beşek derheqê Zendān-e Ghasr de ye: B. Alavi, 53 Nafar (Tehran: Moassasaye Enteshārāte Negah, 1389), rr.112-9. Çar sal û nîvan di girtîgehê de mabû: H. Ahmadi, Khāterāt-e Bozorg Alavi ([Tehran]: Donyaye Ketab, 1377), r.201.

110 Bayāt, Shoorash-e Kordhā-ye Torkiya, r.180.

111 Balyozê tirk ê li Îranê di bîranînên xwe de diyar dike ku ligel Îhsan Nûrî û Şêx Evdilqadir, kurên Kor Husên Paşa li Tebrîzê hatine binçavkirin û bo Tehranê hatine veguhêztin. Xuya ye Nadir yek ji wan bûye: Gerede, Siyasi Hatıralarım I: İran, r.152.

112 Bîra Zerîfe Xanimê ya derbarê ‘Navur’ê û ku ji aliyê hêzên Îranê ve dorpêçkirina wê bi çavkaniyên nivîskî re jî li hev e. Belgeyeke tirkî ji arşîvê destnîşan dike ku hêzên Îranê li aliyê Îranê ya Çiyayê Navurê, bi top û mufrezeyek 600 piyadeyan êriş birine ser hêzên Faris û Ferzende ku 50 kes bûn, lê bi ser neketine. BCA, Fon Kodu: 30.10.0.0, Yer No: 112.755.9, 17 Tebax 1931. Ev belge di dawiya gotarê de ye. Nivîskarek, bêyî ku çavkaniyên xwe diyar bike, destnîşan dike ku ev versiyona taybet a performansê (nêzî analîza di vê gotarê de) ji nav gelekên din ên li ser Ferzende de derheqê şerê li gundê Navorê navbera hêzên Ferzende û hêzên îranî de ye. Li gor vê xebata bikêr, Ferzende birîndar dibe û jina wî Besra çekên wî radihêjê û heta ku wek dîl tên girtin şer dike. Heman xebat nîşan dide ku Asiya, diya Ferzende di vî şerî de hatiye kuştin. Aram Gernas, ‘Ferzende Beg’, Kovara Bîr 8 (2010) (http://www.kovarabir. com/2010/02/arama-gernas-ferzende-beg/) (gihandin 21 Tebax 2015).

113 Alakom, Hoybûn Örgütü ve Ağrı Ayaklanması, r.135. Dewra Riza Şah de, di girtîgehê de muxalîf marûzî îşkenceyê diman. Wek mînak, helbestkarê sosyalîst î navdar Farroki Yazdi di nexweşxaneya girtîgehê de mir: “tê bawerkirin ku bi hewaya ku bera tamarên wî dane, hatiye kuştin:” http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/farroki-yazdi (gihandin: 31 Tebax 2015).

114 Alakom, Hoybûn Örgütü ve Ağrı Ayaklanması, rr.135-6.

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Li Ser Sînorên Netewe-dewletên Tirk û Îranê: Serpêhatiya Ferzende û Besrayê

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