Li Başurê Kurdistanê Dibistanên Gulenî: Karname û Bîrdozî

Li Başurê Kurdistanê Dibistanên Gulenî: Karname û Bîrdozî

FATEH SAEDI

JI ÎNG: YUSIV HEMED

Puxte: Piştî Şerê Kendavê (Gulf War), Kurdan hikumeteke de fakto ava kir û di Tîrmeha 1992an de jî yekem kabîneya Hikumeta Herêmî ya Kurdistanê (HHK) damezrand. Wezareta Perwerdeyê li gel zêdekirina çavkanîyên insanî û madî, misoger kir ku zimanê Kurdî jî di hemû astan de bike zimanê perwerdeyê. Lê belê hîn jî di pergala perwerdeya Kurdistana Başur de kêmasî û pirsgirêk hebûn; ev tekane-rewş bo veberhênana (investing) şîrketeke perwerdeyî ya taybet wexta herî guncaw bû. Di 1994an de, Enstîtûya Perwerdeyê ya Fezalar li Hewlêrê bi vekirina Koleja Işikê dest bi fealîyetên xwe yên perwerdeyî kir û ta 2016an sî dibistanên girêdayî tevgera Gulenî û zankoya Işikê li Herêma Kurdistanê ava kirin. Di nav raya giştî de ev enstîtûyên perwerdeyî yên taybet wek Dibistanên Tirkî tên zanîn; ji ber standarda bilind a perwerdeya xwe, belavbûna wan a li HKê bi zû çêbû ligel heqê bilindtir a xwendinê. Ev lêkolîn pêwendîya di navbera bîrdozîya perwerdeyî ya Tevgera Gulenî (Tevgera Xizmetê) û rola wan a di pergala perwerdeyî ya Herêma Kurdistanê ya nû de wê vekole. Bi rêya nîşandanê ka bê çawa bîrdozîya Tevgera Gulenî ya Tirk-Îslamî bi karnameya (cur riculum) xwe ya vekirî û veşartî wê bandorê li ser xwendevanan bike, ez îdîa dikim ku armancên hizrî yên van dibistanan bi karnameyeke modern a neteqez (imprecise) ve tên teqwîyekirin ku ev dibe sedema hebûna helwesta ehlaqî ya konservatîf, nêrîna zanistî ya bêyî gumandarî û struktûra perwerdeyî ya neadil.

Peyvên sereke: dibistanên Gulenî, Başurê Kurdistanê, Tevgera Gulenî, Karnameya Veşartî

Destpêk

Dibistanên ku bi fikrên Fethullan Gulen Tirkê Sunnî ve girêdayî, li derên cuda yên dinyê bi navên jev cihê tên binavkirin. Li gelek cihan wek dibistanên Xizmetê an jî dibistanên bi Gulen ve girêdayî tên binavkirin. Fealîyetên van dibistanên li Herêma Kurdistanê diçe 1994ê dema ku wan di bin çavdêrêya Enstîtûya Perwerdeyê ya Fezalar (FEI) de dest bi fealîyetên xwe kirin. Dibistana xwe ya pêşî, ku bi navê ‘Koleja Işikê’ tê zanîn, li Hewlêrê vekirin (Büyük 2015, 2; Fezalar 2016). Bi piranî di nav xelkê de jê re dibistanên Tirkî tê gotin. Divê bê dîyarkirin ku fealîyetên perwerdeyî yên piştgirên Gulenî yên li Kurdistanê ne tenê bi herêma Kurdistanê re sînordar in. Dibistanên xwe li Bakurê Kurdistanê (ku ji alîyê Tirkîyê ve dagirkirî) di 1988ê (Koç 2013b, 184) de ava kirin lê li Îran û Surîyê qedexe hebû li ser wan.3 Piştgirên Gulenî, ku bi têgeha hîcreta (koç) Gulenî ve îlham girtibûn, ji destpêka 1990an fealîyetên xwe birin derveyî sînorên Tirkîyê. Hilweşîna Yekîtîya Sovyetê û li Asyaya Navîn û Kafkasê de pêkhatina komarên serbixwe yî nû, ku bi piranî welatên tirkîaxêv bûn û divabû perwerdeya xwe bi pêş ve bibin, li derveyî sînorên Tirkîyê bû sedema berbelavbûna wan a bi lez (Balci 2003). Ji ber encama guhertinên mezin ên di pergala perwerdeyê ya li Herêma Kurdistanê, pêwîstîyeke mezin ji bo perwerdeya modern derket holê ku xwe dispêre stardandên navneteweyî. Serborîyên tevgera Gulenî yên di vekirin û birêvebirina dibistanên taybet de ew kirin vebijêrkeke guncaw ji bo hebûna xwe ya li HKê; ev geştir bû ji ber sînorên dirêj ên bi cîranê xwe yê bakurî, Tirkîyê re.

Ji hingê ve, Enstîtûya Perwerdeyê ya Gulenî fealîyetên xwe wisa berbelav kirin ku ne tenê li Herêma Kurdistanê lê belê li gelek bajarên Iraqî yên wek Bexda, Besra, Mûsil û Ramadîyê jî dibistan ava kirin. Li gor reqemên dawî yên fealîyetên enstîtûyê, wan di 2014a de li Iraqê 32 kampûs ava kirine û xizmeta perwerdeyî kirine ji bo zêdetirî 14,000 xwendevanan, ji pêşdibistanê ta lîseyê ku piranîya wan li Herêma Kurdistanê, li cihên wek Hewlêr, Silêmanîyê, Kerkuk, Dihok, Soran û Helebcê ne (Büyük 2015). Ji xeynî dibistanan, enstîtûyê wek şîrketeke perwerdeyî ji bo xebata li Herêma Kurdistanê destûra fermî bi dest xistîye ku bi vê re li derveyî Kurdistanê hin olîmpîyatên zanistî, fêrbûna zimanê Ingîlîzî û qursên havînê li dar dixe. Ligel van fealîyetan, enstîtûyê di 2008a de Zankoya Işikê bi dirûşma ‘’Siberoj li vir e.’’ ava kir; 6 fakûlte û 15 beşên wê hene. Herwiha, di 2014a de şaxeke din bi du fakûlteyan li Silêmanîyê dest bi xebatan kir. Reqemên sala perwerdeya 2014-15a nîşan dide ku nêzîkî 13,000 xwendevanên Herêma Kurdistanê li van dibistanan dixwînin û 2300 xwendevanên Zankoya Işikê ya Hewlêrê hene (h.b.).

Ji ber fealîyetên berbelav ên dibistanên Tirkî yên li Herêma Kurdistanê, li Başurê Kurdistanê lêkolînên serbixwe wisa pir nînin derheqa karnameya wan û bandora wê ya ser nifşa nû ya welatîyên Kurd; lêkolîna heyî bi destê kesên ji tevgera Gulenî ve tayînkirî hatîye meşandin, wan bi awayekî gelekî pozîtîf dibistan nirxandine (Kirk 2011, 2013); ew di heman bawerîyê de bûn û wan hewl da pûanan bidin ku dibistan çêker û kêrhatî nîşan bidin (Akyol 2010; Pandya 2014). Lêkolînvanên din, yên xwedî heman bawerîyê, li Bakurê Kurdistanê û piştre li Başûr bi fealîyetên perwerdeyî yên van dibistanan ve daketine, û cehd dane nîşan bidin ku perwerdeya sekuler a li van dibistanan bi pêgîhandina nifşeki nû yê Kurdan ve gîhaye serî ku ew nifş dikare bibe şûngirek ji dêvla hêzên Kurd-perwer, bi taybetî ji dêvla PKKê (Gurbuz 2015; Koç 2013 a, 2013 b). Di tevahîya van lêkolînan de xalên sereke, piştgirîya wan a ji bo boçûna perwerdeyî, awayê fealîyetan, encamên perwerdeya rasturb û encamên nerastrub ên sîyasî û çandî yên ji van dibistanan e.

Hêlên ku ez ê di vê lêkolînê de nîşan bidim ew tişt in ku piştî pêdaçûneke kin a meseleya perwerdeyê ya li Başurê Kurdistanê, ji pêkhatina Iraqê (1918) ta derhatina hebûna sîyasî ya HHKê (1992) bi armanca ravekirina paşxaneya dîrokî ya destpêka fealîyetên van dibistanan, ez ê hewl bidim rave bikim ku yek ji daxwazên tevgera azadîyê ya Kurdistanê mafê perwerdeya bi zimanê zikmakî bûye. Piştre, bi bikaranîna hin nêrînên Michael Apple, bi taybetî yên di kitêba ‘Ideology and Curriculum’ (Bîrdozî û Karname) de (Apple 2003), ez ê hewl bidim nîşand bidim wê pêwendîya di navbera bîrdozîya fikrên Gulenî yên bo birêvebirina van dibistanan û awayê derketina modela Tirk a Îslamê de.

Li başurê Kurdistanê perwerde: Kurteyeke dîrokî

Di dawîya Şerê Cîhanê yê Yekem de piştî hilweşîna Împaratorêya Osmanî û avabûna Iraqê ya di bin mandaya Brîtanyayê (1918-1932) de ta pêkhatina HHKê (1992), li cihên cuda çavdêrêya li ser karnameyê û şiklê perwerdeyê yê dibistanên Kurdistanê bûye yek ji daxwazên herî girîng ên Kurdan. Em dikarin angaşt bikin ku her çi gelek caran ne bi awakî rêkûpêk be jî, di gelek rewşan de perwerdeya bi zimanê zikmakî li deverên Kurd-nişînkirî bûye parçeyeke karnameya Iraqê. Li herdu makezagonên Iraqê yên di 1932 û 1958ê de pesendkirî, zimanê Kurdî wek duyem zimanê welêt hatîye dîyarkirin ku li dibistan û zankoyan divê pê bê fêrkirin (Hassanpour 1992, 102-125). Ji ber ragêşîya di navbera Kurd û Hikumeta navendî ya Iraqê de (1961-1970) û piştî çendîn têkçûnên Hikumeta navendî yên ji ber destê Kurdan, Iraq mecbûr ma ku li bakur herêmeke xweser qebûl bike; lê hema nîvê Kurdistanê li derveyî xweserîyê ma ku ev xweserî di 1974a de ji alîyê Hikumeta navendî ve hatibû çêkirin; niştecihên van herêman ji perwerdeya bi zimanê Kurdî bêpar man (Hassanpour, Skutnabb-Kangas û Chyet 1996, 372-3). Partîya Baasê ku pişta serwerêya neteweya Ereb a li ser miletên din ên Iraqê digre, hewl da ku polîtîkaya yek ziman-yek netewe di projeya xwe ya netewe-avakirinê de bisepîne ku ev (polîtîka) xwe dispêre bîrdozîya Orubah. Polîtîkaya Orubah di projeya Enfalê de berdewama komkujîya neteweya Kurd bû; herwiha di van polîtîkayan de wek pergaleke perwerdeyî ya navendî rehendên wê nivîskî (software) yên dîyarkirî hebûn ku bo nimûne guhertina karnameya erdnîgarî, dîrok û zanistên civakî, ligel vê, cîguhertina mamosteyên Kurd a ji Kurdistanê ber bi başurê Iraqê ve û bedêla wan cîgirtina mamosteyên Ereb, qedekirina zimanê Kurdî li derveyî herêma xweser (bo minûne li Kerkûk û Xaneqînê), guhertina navên ne-Erebî û zexta li ser mamosteyan da ku xwe li partîya Baasê qeyd bikin (Shanks 2016, 42-5).

Dema Hikumeta Iraqê di 1991ê de ji Başurê Kurdistanê vekişîya, yek ji encamên Şerê Kendavê yê Yekem, serhildaneke bi navûdeng li Kurdistanê çêbû ku bi rizgarêya gelek deverên wê herêmê bi encam bû (McDowall 2007, 371-2). Piştî pêkhatina HHKê ya di 1992a de, rêberên Enîya Kurdistana Iraqê herêm kir bin destê xwe, ligel ku Iraq di bin mueyîdeya Yekîtîya Neteweyan de bû. Herwiha Hikumeta navendî ya Iraqê jî mueyîdeyên taybet danîn ser Kurdistanê. Rêberên Kurd bo birêvebirina deverên rizgarkirî divabû biryareke bilez bidana (Stansfield 2003, 123). Ji bilî pirsgirêkên sereke yên pergalên birêvebirin û ragihandinê, Hikumeta nû ya Kurdistanê ji hemû hêlan ve divabû çareserîyekê bibîne bo paşdemayîbûna Kurdistanê, di heman demê de divabû fêm bikin bê ka dewleteke de facto çawa tê avakirin, ku ev der ji alîyê hêzên koaolîsyona dij-Sedam ve di nav çarçoveya ‘devera qedexekirî bo firînê’ de dihat parastin. Di heman katî de, polîtîkaya Gulenî û piştgirên wî du alî bûn: “di 1980 û 1990î de derdorên Îslamî yên li Tirkîyê bi hêsanî nikaribûn fêm bikirana bê ka çawa Gulen ji alîkî ve li dijî Îrana Şiî alîkarêya Tirkîye û Emrîkayê ya bo Iraqê diparêze û alîyê din jî bombebarana ser Iraqê ya bi destê Emrîkayê dipejirîne.” (Seufert 2014, 23).

Kabîneya pêşî ya HHKê pêşî bala xwe da guhertinên bingehîn ên di pergala perwerdeyê de. Çendîn armancên polîtîkaya geşedana perwerdeyî hebûn ku tê de pêşvebirina çavkanîyên beşerî û derfetên maddî, di hemû astan de perwerdeya bi zimanê Kurdî, baldayîna ser rêgezên wekhevîya perwerdeyî, mafê perwerdeya bi zimanê zikmakî, herwiha ola kêmareyên din ên Herêma Kurdistanê dihewandin (Stansfield 2003, 147-9; 206-7). Ji destpêkê de ji bo bijarteya Kurd xala herî girîng bandora çendîn dehsaleyên Erebkirina Kurdistanê bû. Rabêja serwer wî çaxî ji neteweperwerîya Kurd derket (Kurdayetî yan jî Kurdîtî) ku dawîkirina heft dehsaleya serwerîya çand û zimanê Erebî û li ser bingeha nasnameya Kurd pêgihandina nifşekî nû daxwaz dikir.

Piştî pêkhatina HHKê, di sektora perwerdeya Kurdistanê de pêwîstîyeke mezin ji bo veberanînê hebû. Karsazên tevgera Gulenî ji ber ku li Asyaya Navendî û Kafkasyayê xwedî serborîyên serkeftî bûn, sînorên başûr ên Tirkîyê bala wan kişand; berovajîya komarên serbixwe yî nû yên Yekîtîya Sovyetê ya berê, zimanê Tirkî hem nedihat qebûlkirin hem nêrîneke neyînî li ser hebû ji ber polîtîkayên Tirkan ên li dijî zimanê Kurdî. Ji ber vê rastîyê, damezrêner û veberhênerên (investor) EPFê (Enstîtûya Perwerdeyî ya Fezalar) li gor normên lokal ên ajandaya xwe ya perwerdehîyê pêşikî dan perwerdeya xwe ya modern û sekûler, da ku li van dibistanan dersên fêrbûna zimanê Tirkî û tevdîrên perwerdeyî yên olî bala dêûbavên niştecihan û ya rêvebiran nekşîne.

Felsefeya perwerdeyê ya konservatîf a Gulenî

Ji bo ku mirov bizane bê ka dibistanên Tirkî çawa dixebitin, divê em nêrînên Gulenî bikolin ji ber ku rêvebir û mamosteyên van dibistanan bi piranî xwe wek şopînerên fikrên wî dibînin û rêberêya wî wek modelekî etîk disepînin.4 Dîyar e ku propagandaya sereke ya şopînerên Gulenî rasterast bi rêya dibistanan re tên meşandin ku ew dibistan xwe dispêrin perwerdeya modern û sekuler. Li Başurê Kurdistanê, piştî pêkhatina HHKê, tevî ku partîyên Îslamî di nav xelkê de çalak bûne, lê belê partîyên sekûler (PDK û YNK) neteweperwerêya Kurd derxistin pêş. Herwiha ji ber şîroveya partîya Baasê ya neteweperwerîyê, ku bi Ereb-Îslamê re kirine yek, fealîyeta hemû torên xwedî rehenda Îslamî gumanbar bû. Ji milê din ve, ev herdu partîyên sekûler wek partî heq ji vê yekê hatine der ku helwesta xweşker a welatîyên Kurd ji bo xwe bistîne; dijminatîyeke wan a taybet li dijî ola giştî tunebû. Lê belê tevî paşxaneya dibistanên Tirkî, ku li Kurdistanê li ser wan dikaribû fikrên nerênî çêke, li Başurê Kurdistanê kesên oldar Seîd Nursî (1876-1960) wek reformîstekî Îslamîst ê Kurd nas dikir û li mizgeftan ew wek yekî ku mafê Kurdan li dijî polîtîkayên faşîst ên rejîma Ataturk diparast, dida nasîn ku pişt re ev li Kurdistanê wek qerteke qezenckirinê di destên xebatkarên van dibistanan de xebitî.

Seîd Nursîyê ku li Bakurê Kurdistanê nêzîkî Bidlîsê li gundê Nursê ji dayik bûye, derheqa pêwendîya modernîzasyon û doktrînên Îslamî de xwedî fikrên taybet bû ku wan li Tirkîye û Kurdistanê bandor li gelek tevgerên civakî kirîye. Bi giştî ev tevgerên civakî yên ku li Tirkîyê girêdayî fikrên Nursî ne, wek Tevgera Nur tên zanîn (bi Tirkî: Nurculuk) û bêjeya ‘’Nur’ê li vir şakarê Nursî yê bi navê Kulîyata Rîsale-î Nur nîşan dike. Bandora fikrên Nursî ya li ser nêrînên Gulenî hinde xurt e ku pisporên wek Yavuz tevgera Gulenî wek Nû-Nur (Neo-Nur) (Yavuz, 2008) û binşaxeke tevgera Nur (Agai, 2003) bi nav dikin. Yavuz bawer dike ku “Nivîsên Nursî sê babetan nîşan didin: ya yekem, xurtkirina hişmendîya mislimanan; ya duyem, redkirina rabêja materyalîst û pozîtîvîst a ku li şîpa entelektuel hukm kirîye; û ya dawî, di rêya venêrandina (reconsidering) zimanê hevpar ê civakê re, ku ev Îslam e, vejandina civakê.” (2008, 157). Ligel cehda bo bidestxistina van armancan û xwexelaskirina ji dezavantajên modernîzmê, ku ji bo wî ev materyalîzm û ateîzm in, Nursî bawer dike ku bawerîya ku ji bavûkalan maye ji pirsgrikên heyama modern re nikare bibe bersiv, ji dêvla wê divê şikleke bawerîyê, ku ew jê re dibêje ‘bawerîya rast’, têkeve şûna wê. Di heyama pişt-roşnayî (post-enlightenment) de li dijî îmajên bawerîyê bi cidî hatîye sekinandin, Nursî bi duwaneyî (dualistically) li dijî zanistê disekine; ji alikî ve li gor nêrîna wî, taybetmendîya sereke ya pozîtîvîzmê, ku li ser fikirîna modern hukm dike, ew e ku tenê zanist dikare wek jêdera zanînê bê dîtin lewma jî ji bo her cure pêşveçûnê divê em bi metodolojîya zanistî re dest pê bikin. Li gor fikra wî, ev boçûn mirovatîyê ji kokên wê yên pîroz dûr dixe ku bi dejenerasyona însanan encam dibe. Ji alîyê din ve, Nursî bawer dike ku bi wê zanîna bê ka em di xwezayê de rastî çi tên, divê em amûrên zanistî bi kar bînin û bikaribin di rêya hebûnên xwedayî re bigihên bawerîyê ku bi fêmkirina afirandin û afrînerê xwedayî encam dibe. Di dema wî ya pêgihiştî de di gelek nivîsên Nursî de ev duyînî (duality) dîyar e û li gor fikra wî çareserêya wê, sentezkirina Îslam û zanistê ye ku ji bo duyînîyên din jî -ku kevneşopî û nûjenî, bawerî û azadî tê de- ev çareserî derbasdar e. Ev şîroveya sepandina zanistên xwezayî bo zanîna xwezayê û dûrketina ji zanistên beşerî bûye taybetmendîyên şopînerên Gulenî ku pişt re di karnameya (curriculum) dibistanên girêdayî Gulenî de xuya kirin; lewma pergala perwerdeya modern a berbelav, ku wek Îslamî ma, hat çêkirin. Gulenî ku ji alîyê perwerdeyê de xwe wek şopînerekî Nursî dibîne, vê senteza Nursî wiha destnîşan dike:

Wek Bedîûzzeman dibêje, têgîhiştineke perwerdeyê heye, digihe wê encamê ku hiş bi zanist û zanînê ve ronî dibe û dil bi îman û fezîletê ronî dibe. Têgîhiştineke wiha dike ku xwendevan bi du baskan li ser ezmanê mirovatîyê bifirin û di rêya xizmetkirina însanan re bên pîrozkirin. Têgîhiştineke wiha materyalîzmê ji zanistê radike û wê dike amûreke kêrhatî. Herwiha ev nahêle ku zanist bibe amûreke xeter. (Gülen 2004, 197)

Wek Nursîyê pêşrewê xwe, têgîhiştina Gulenî ya zanistê jî yeka reduksîyonîst û mihefezekar e ku kengî di navbera zanist û Îslamê de bi nakokîyekê bihesin, qada perwerdeyê ser bawerîyê ve berdidin. Ger mirov çavekî bavêje dibistanên Tirkî, ev nerîn wê dîyartir be. Ew li ser fêrkirina zanistên xwezayî, yên wek fîzîk û kîmya disekinin lê zanistên civakî di asta herî jêr de tên fêrkirin. Herwiha ev dibistan olîmpîyatên zanistî li dar dixin ku tev girêdayî zanistên xwezayî ne.

Bi bikaranîna têgeha perwerdeya veşartî em dikarin têgîhiştina vê modela perwerdeyî di dibistanên girêdayî Gulenî de bigrin dest. Bi bikaranîna ferqa perwerdeya dîyar û veşartî, Apple dixwaze pirsinan bike: Çi cure zanyarî hatîye hilbijartin? Kî ne kesên ku bi vê hilbijartinê dilebikin? Fêda kê ji vê hilbijartinê heye? Dibistan çawa prosesa xwe ya perwerdeyê û hilbijartina xwe rewa dikin? (Apple, 2003). Di dibistanên Tirkî de statîstîkên qeydkirina xwendevanan a li beşên bijişkî, mûhendisî û bîyolojîyê derdixin pêş da ku bala dêûbavan bikşînin ser asteke jortir a amadekirina xwendevanan ji ber ku di nav civakê de ev beş bi debar û pozîsyona xwe ya civakî xwedî prestîjeke bilind in; ji alîyê din ve ew nîşan dike ku karnameya veşartî ya van dibistanan xwe spartîye dûrxistina ji fikirîna rexneyî û boçûneke pir-rehendî ku xwendevanan bi bersivên jev cihê yên pirsekê re bisteh dike (familiarize), ji ber ku zanistên xwezayî yên sereke xwe dispêrin bersivên bênîqaş ên yek-alî. Yavuz bawer dike ku “dupata Gulenî ya li ser rola zanistên xwezayî ji ber wê ye ku pêşîya parçebûna nasnameyê û bîyanîbûnê bigre ku ev herdu berhemên formalîzmê ne. Lewma pergala perwerdeyî ya Gulenî dixwaze alî xwendevanan bike ku taybetmendîyên xwezayê kişf bikin da ku îmana xwe ya bo Xwedê qaîm bikin. Li gor doktrînên Gulenî, nebûna perwerdeya olî dibe sedema ateîzmê lê nebûna perwerdeya zanistî dibe sedema pêşdaraz û dogmatîzmê’’ (2003, 38). Di helwesta van dibistanan de tirsa dîmanetî (relativism) û formalîzmê faktoreke taybet e ku bi rêya dûrxistina xwe ya ji fêrkirina zanistên beşerî û zanistên civakî re çêdibe.

Tiştê ku li dibistanan tê dîtin perspektîfek e ku dişibe wî tiştê jê re dibêjin îdeala pozîtîvîst. Bi wê rastîyê re ku konsensûsa zanistî tim derdixin pêş, rê nadin xwendevanan ku bibînin zanist bêyî nakokî û îxtîlafê wê neçe pêş an jî wê hêdîtir pêş keve. Xalekî din a xurt jî bi ixtîmalekî mezin standarda alînegirîyê (yek dikare bêje alînegirêya qebe) ya ku li dibistanan tê nîşandan û fêrkirin, reng e bibe sedem ku ew ji berpirsîyarîya polîtîk derkevin. Ango dibe ku ne bêlayenî ye wek ku bi eşkere tê gotin lê reng e ew nîşaneya dubendîya zihnî, ehlaqî û polîtîk be (Apple 2003, 83). Ji alîkî ve di van dibistanan de bi rêya dupata ser fêrkirina zanistên xwezayî û avakirina îmaja xwendevên/zanyêr re hewl didin ku nîşan bidin ol û zanist ne li dijî hev in, ji alîkî din ve bi guhnedana fêrkirina zanistên beşerî û civakî ya ji bo nifşên nû re, an jî bi termînolojîya wan nifşê zêrîn, hewl didin ku wan ji materyalîzmê dûr bixin. Bi damezrênerên van dibistanan, çareserî fêrkirina perwerdeya ehlaqî û wergirtina helwesta olî ye ji bo qaîmkirina îmana xwendevanan. Gulenî ku bingeha materyalîst a şaristanîya rojavayê rexne dike, dibêje ku “Ol rêberîyê ji zanistê re dike û armanca wê ya rastîn dîyar dike. Ol nirxên ehlaqî, gerdûnî û insanî çêdike da ku ji zanistê re bibin rêber. Ger ev rastî li rojavayê hatiba fêmkirin û pêwendîya di navbera ol û zanînê de hatiba kişfkirin, wê cîhan ketibûya rêyeke din” (196).

Dibistanên Tirkî li Herêma Kurdistanê çawa tevdigerin?

Bo têgihiştineke baştir a mekanîzmaya tevlihev a dibistanên Tirkî, em dikarin fealîyetên perwerdeyî yên EPFê yên li Herêma Kurdistanê bikin sê beş: (1) dema avakirin û bawerpêanîna xelkê ya bi dibistanên Tirkan (1994-2004); (2) dema îstîqrar û mezinbûna bilez (2004-2014); û (3) dema lihevkirina (reconciliation) bo berdewamîyê (ji 2014ê û pê de). Belavbûna dibistanên Gulenî di destpêkê de hêdî bû, di deh salên pêşî de tenê çend dibistan û kolej li Hewlêr û Silêmanîyê vebûn. Mirov dikare sedeminan bide ji bo kêm-fealîyetên wan ên dema pêşî. Ya yekem, ew xwedî paşxaneyeke Tirk-Îslamî bûn ku xelkê nikaribû bawerîya xwe bi wan bîne ji ber ku nasnameya wan a Tirkî li dijî nasnameya Kurdî bû. Ew ji welatekî wiha dihatin ku li wir ne tenê perwerdeya bi zimanê Kurdî qedexe bû herwiha bi hezaran însan hatibûn kuştin di pevçuna etnîk a navbera miletê Kurd û Hikumeta navendî de; gelek kes ji cihê wan kirin, bûn penaber an jî li hepsên Tirkan girtî ne. Ev paşxane bandoreke neyînî li ser helwesta Başurê Kurdistanê kir bo qebûlkirina wan. Lê belê damezrênerên van dibistanan Misilmanên Sunî bûn. Paşxaneya Sufî/Neqşibendî ya tevgera Gulenî û bandora fikrên Seîd Nursî ya li ser wan (Yavuz, 2003, 2008) kir ku Kurdên Başurê Kurdistanê, bi bandora terîqetên Sufi –bi taybetî Sufîzma Neqşibendî (Bruinessen 1992, 203-265) – xweşbînîya van dibistanan bikin.

Di ser de, tevî ku li van dibistanan di salên avabûnê de heqê perwerdeyê zêde bû lê ji niha hindiktir bû. Ligel ku bêheqbûna perwerdeyê bo berdewamkirina fealîyetên xwe yên li van dibistanan dibû ku bibûya sedema pirsgirêkên mezin, rêvebiran bi du rêyan ev pirsgrêk hal kir. Ya yekem, van dibistanan dest bi fealîyetên xwe kirin bi stendina alîkarêya ji Wezareta Perwerdeyê ya HHKê û Partî Demokratî Kurdistan (PDK) ligel Yekîtî Niştimanî Kurdistan (YNK). Bo nimûne, erd, avahîyên perwerdeyî û derfetên din bi dest xistin. Karsazên Tirk ên tevgera Xizmetê jî sponsorîya wan dibistanan kirin çawa ku li gelek herêmên din ên derveyî Tirkîyê ev yek bi cî dianîn. Ji ber nebûna şefafîyê, ti delîl nînin ku mirov bizane bê ka çawa di qonaxên pêşî de tevgerîyana. Pisporin bawer dikin ku Kurdan li belavbûna dibistanên Tirkan a li nav Asyaya navendî bi çalakî bi cî girtine (Balci 2003, 161) û ew ji ber meylên etnîk û çandî hatine Başurê Kurdistanê jî. Di vê perîyoda ji Şerê Kendavê yê Yekem ta têkçûna rejîma Sedam (2003) Herêma Kurdistanê du caran rastî mueyîdan hat hem bi destê NYê li ser Iraqê hem bi destê Hikumeta navendî ya Iraqê li ser Kurdistanê û tiştên bingehîn ên wek xwarin, derman û metaryalên petrokimyeyî nehatin dabînkirin (Stansfield 2003, 47-9). Aborîya bobelatî ya Iraqê bandor li Herêma Kurdistanê kir û kir ku herwisa bimîne, HHKê nikaribû meaşên karkerên xwe bidana ku ev bû sedema sereke ya belavbûna dibistanên Tirkî ji ber ku ew (dibistan) bi awayekî taybet dihatin birêvebirin û sencandin (H.b., 48).

Talîya talî ev dibistan bi ser ketin ku di nava welatîyên Kurdistanê de îmajeke erênî ava bikin û vê rê li ber berbelavbûnên din vekir. Bo vê îmaja erênî sedemên sereke ev in: (1) Di salên pêşî yên fealîyetên xwe de, dema ku HHKê bi rewşa aborîya xedar re rûbirû ma, van dibistanan heqên bilind nestendin û hin caran wek dibistanên dewletê belaş bûn; (2) di nava salên şerê navxweyî de ku Kurdistan di navbera du Hikumetên lokal de hatibû parkirin (Hewlêr di bin qontrola PDKê de û Silêmanîyê jî di bin qontrola YNKê de), hevbandorîyeke kêm hebû di navbera mirovên herdu alîyan de lê rêvebirên van dibistanan xwe ji nîqaşên polîtîk dûr xistin û nebûn hevalê ti kesî tevî ku mirov nikare bibêje perwerdeya wan ji bîrdozîyeke polîtîk a dîyar bêpar bû. Ji zû ve, li dijî argûmenta ku perwerde nêtar (neutral) e tê derketin û wek ku Apple jî dibêje “perwerde ne karekî nêtar e, ji ber xwezaya sazîyê fêrker ku ne xem e bê ka hay ji vê heye ya na, tevlî tevgereke polîtîk bû.” (Apple 2003, 1); (3) Ligel ku xelk mikur hatin ku di asta rêveberî û perwerdeyê de rastî Îslamîstan hatine, hêdî hêdî bi meyla Îslamîk a mamosteyan jî hisîyan. Vî hişî roleke taybet lîst di çêkirina îmajeke pozîtîf de ji ber ku ji dêvla tevgerên hişk î Îslamî xwe wek alternatîfeke guncaw nîşan dan û bi geşedana têgehên wek di navbera ol û bawerêyan de dîyalog, lihevanîna Îslam û demokrasîyê, tolerans û qebûlkirina yên din daketin. Herwiha helwesta wan a mihefezekar a li hemberî ehlaqê wê li civateke gerdişî û Îslamî bihata qebûlkirin. Dema alozîyan, yên di navbera partî û bîrdozîyên jev cihê de, civaka Kurdistanê polîtîze kir, dupata ser pevrehebûna (co-existence) fikrên jev cihê dikaribû ew wek modeleke erênî derxistana pêş; (4) Dema sazîyên binyadî yên perwerdeyî bi dirêjahîya 1970 û 1980an ji ber paşdehiştina bi zanebûn a bi destê rejîma Baasê têrê nedikirin û bi dû du mueyîdeyên piştî Şerê Kendavê yê Yekem şerê navxweyî yên partîyên sereke yên Kurd çêbûn, bo HHKê ne pêkan bû ku di cî de pêwîstîyên perwerdeyî dabîn bike, ji alîyê din ve hat dîtin ku xwendevanên dibistanên Tirkî dikarin bi pûanên herî baş ezmûnan jî derbas bikin ji bilî fêrbûna zimanên Kurdî, Ingîlîzî, Erebî û Tirkî. Ev performans di warê perwerdeyê de faktoreke taybet bû bo pejirandina wan a wek pisporên profesyonel.

Piştî têkçûna rejîma Sedam di 2003ya de û bêewlehîya berdewam a li Iraqê, HHKê ji heq wê yekê hat der ku li herêma xwe aramîyeke nisbî ava bike û rewşa aborî bi pêş bixe. Bi pejirandina qanûnên Iraqa federal û di 2005a bi stabîlîzasyona HHKê ya wek herêmeke federal re, ligel qaîmkirina polîtîkayên aborîya serbest, rewşa aborî ya li Kurdistanê pêş de çû. Di 2007a de HHKê biryar da ku li herêma xwe reformên perwerdeyî bike. Vê reforma perwerdeyî ku wek K-12 tê zanîn, hemû astên perwerdeyê, ji pêşdibistanê ta pola 12mîn a lîseyê, di nav xwe de dihewand (Vernez, Culberston û Constant 2014, 1). Ji ber ku karname kevn bû, di warê perwerdeyê de pêwîstîyeke mezin bi reformên berfireh hebû. Mueyîdeyên navneteweyî yên ser Iraq û Kurdistanê rabûn û li HHKê ji ber pevçûnên hêzî yên di asteke kêmtir de, bikaranîna çavkanîyên nû yên enerjîyê hêza madî ya herêmê zêde kir ku bikare planên bo modernîzasyonê qaîm bike. Li gor reformên nû, ligel hemû astên perwerdeyê, ku xwendina bilind jî tê de, dike bêheq, perwerdeya mecbûrî ji pola şeşem hilkişandin a nehem. Ji ber gelheya her diçû zêde dibû, dibistan gelkî bûn qelebalix û pêwîstîyeke mezin bo perwerdekirina mamosteyan û bo qaîmkirina plankirina perwerdeyî hebû. Di 2014a de li gor rapora analîtîk a RANDî, pewîst bû HHK ta 2021ê dibistanên bi hijdeh fêrgehan ava bike da ku di perwerdeyê de reforman qaîm bike û pêşveçûna perwerdeyî bîne cî; çavkanîyên fînansî yên HHKê têra avakirineke wisa nedikir û lewma pêşnîyara ku dibistanên danekî dike dibistanên du-danî, hate kirin (h.b., xiv).

Ligel van pirsgirêkan, kêmbûna hejmara mamosteyan a ku pêwist e, bilindkirina kalîteya perwerdeyê û zêdekirina wextê perwerdeyê wek çareserî hatin pêşnîyarkirin. Tevî van pirsgirêkên ku hema neçareserbar (unsolvable) in, asankirina fealîyetan a bi destê aktorekî bitecrûbe yê sektora taybet vebijêrkeke dêndar xuya kir. Bi fealîyeta xwe ya zêdetirî deh salan a li Kurdistanê, dibistanên Tirkî heq ji vê yekê hat der ku ji alîyê perwerdeya sekûler û modern ve bawerpêanînekê bi dest bixe. Ligel pêwîstîya bilez a Herêma Kurdistanê ya ji bo dibistananên ku perwerdeya modern û bikalîte didin, faktorên din jî rolek lîst di geşedana bi lez a dibistanên Tirkî ya li Herêma Kurdistanê. Tevî ku dibistanên Tirkî mizeke zêde ji bo perwerdeyê ji xwendevanan distend, ji ber peydabûna çîneke nû ya burjûwayê, ku dewlemendîya wan ji dahatên petrol û polîtîkayên neolîberal ên HHKê tê, ev dibistan tim rastî daxwazeke bêtir hatin.

Li Herêma Kurdistanê lêkolîneke rexneyî li ser dibistanên Tirkî

Bi rêya sepandina wan tiştan ku Apple di mijara analîza hegemonyayê de ji Gramsci digre û wan li ser asta perwerde û karnameyê disepîne, têgihiştineke qethî ya armanc û awayên tevgera van dibistanan wê bê bidestxistin. Apple nîşan dike bêwate ye ku mirov dibistanan wek sazîyên nêtar qebûl bike. Em niha dikarin dest bi fêmkirineke kûrtir bikin bê ka sazîyên parastin û belavkirina çandî yên wek dibistanan şiklên hişmendîyê (consciousness) çawa çêdikin û ji nû ve saz dikin ku ev rê li ber domandina kontrola civakî vedike bêyî wê pêwîstîya ku komên serwer serî li mekanîzmayên eşkere yên hukimkirinê bidin (Apple 2003, 2). Bi bikaranîna têgeha hegemonyaya çandî re Gramsci rave dike ku bo serdestîya komeke civakî ya li ser komeke din hêza rasterast (bo nimûne hêza leşkerî) çênabe bê bikaranîn lê zanîn û bîrdozî dikare civakê di rêya sazîyên hegemonîk re, bo nimûne dibistan, ol, malbat, çapemenî û hwd, kontrol bike. Koma serwer bawerî, nirx û qeydên taybet li ser koma bindest ferz dike; koma serwer da ku koma bindest qayil bike, divê xwedî motîvasyona îdeolojîk û bîrdozîyê be ku hukimkirinê wek fenomeneke nêtar nîşan bide. Ji ber wê, bandoreke wê ya xurt heye li ser pêkanîna hişa rast a koma bindest ku bîrdozîyê wek rewşeke xwezayî qebûl dike û li gor wê difikire û tevdigere.

Dibistanên Tirkî yên li Herêma Kurdistanê parçeya planekê ye ji bo berbelavkirina fikra Tirk-Îslamê ya li dinyê û mirov dikare wek yek ji xalên hevpar ên AKP û Tevgera Gulenî bihesibîne. Berovajîya Nursîyê pêşrewê xwe, Gulen ji dêvla Umeta Îslamê bal dikşîne ser neteweya Tirk (Seufert 2014, 13) û didomîne ku ji ber taybetmendîyên pirzimanî, pirçandî û pirolî yên Împaratorîya Osmanî em dikarin bi rêya vejandina têgehên miratgirtî yên danûstendin û toleransê re ji nû ve çanda Îslamî bînin navenda şaristanîya dinyê. “Gulen bawer dike ku tenê Tirkan roleke mezin a olî û çandî lîst di Împaratorîya Osmanî de û niha di sedeya 21emîn de Tirk pêşengîya Îslamê dikin di rêya balkişandina ser danûstendin, zanist û perwerdeyê” (Ebaugh 2010, 33). Dupata Gulenî ya li ser rola neteweya Tirk wek rêberê cîhana Îslamê ya di dinyaya modern de, bû sedem ku mirov zimanê Tirkî wek waneyeke mecbûrî ya li hemû dibistanên Tevgera Gulenî bifikire. Zimanê Tirkî wek hevziman (lingua franca) tê hesibandin ku Gulen hêvî dike bi wî re hemû civakên Îslamî bigihîne hev. Ev şêweya fikrî bi bîrdozîya fermî ya AKPê re li hev dike ku ji alîkî ve bi Rojavayê re têkilîyên baş dixwaze û ji alîyê din ve jî hewl dide bandorê li ser welatên Îslamî bike. Sînorê Împaratorîya Osmanî ya nû piranîya Balkanan, Rojhilata Navîn, Asyaya Navendî û Kafkasan dihewîne. Fealîyetên Tevgera Gulenî bilez mezin bû piştî ku AKPê hat ser hukim. Ev delîl e ku têkilîyên tevlihev ên Gulen û şopînerên xwe li Herêma Kurdistanê bi karên ewlehîyê yên Tirkîyê (MIT) re heye. Gulenî hevkarîya xwe ya bi ajansa ewlehîyê ya Tirk re veneşartîye û di gotûbêjekê de ev anîye zimên:

Li Hewlêrê (bajarekî Iraqê ku Kurd lê serwer in), me ji bo Tirkmenan (komeke nîv-koçber) dibistanek vekir. Min ji serokomar re got ku divê hûn li vê herêmê dibistanekê vekin ji bo ku Tirkmenan ji pişaftina Kurdan biparêzin… Me biryar da ku dibistanê bi alîkarîya Karê Îstixbaratî yê Dewletê vekin. (ji Yavuz, 2008, 199 hatîye girtin)

Dema ku Gulenî ev gotin li Tirkîyê kiribûn, li dibistanan perwerdeya bi zimanê Kurdî qedexe bû û qirkirina çanda Kurdî yek ji taybetmendîyên Tirkîyeya modern bû. Dema ku mirov çav li karnameya dibistanên Tirkî yên li Herêma Kurdistanê dixe, dîyar e ku gelek saet ji bo fêrbûna zimanê Tirkî xerc dikin (appendix 3). Li gor heman çavkanîyê, ji ber ku dersên zanistî bi Ingîlîzî ne, dersên zimanê Kurdî kêm in lê ti sedem dîyar nekirine bo fêrkirina zimanê Tirkî. Xaleke din a ku li ser van dibistanan di çavdêrêyan de bala mirov dikşîne ew e, berovajîya bangeşeya rêvebiran ku îdîa dikin mamosteyên wan li zanîngehên herî baş perwerde bûne, di rastîyê de mamosteyên van dibistanan li Tirkîyê di zanîngehên ji asta jêr ta ya navîn de xwendine. Herwiha ew tenê di dersên zanistî de bi Ingîlîzî diaxivin û zimanê hevpar ê rêvebir, mamoste, xwendevan û xebatkaran Tirkî ye. Girîngîya zimanê Tirkî mijarek e ku dikare wek plana veşartî ya li van dibistanan bê hesibandin; di bin kirasê zimanê Ingîlîzî de ew girîngîya zimanê Kurdî kêm dikin; Kurdî zimanek e ku miletê Kurd gelek însanên xwe bo wî feda kirin da ku li navendên perwerdeyê wî bide fêrkirin.

Dema mirov li kitêbên fêrkirina Tirkî, Ingîlîzî û Kurdî yên van dibistanan hûr dibe, dîyar e ku kitêbên rengîn ên bikalîte ji bo Tirkî û Ingîlîzî tên bikaranîn lê ji bo fêrkirina Kurdî tenê broşûrên reşûspî yên kêmkalîte tên bikaranîn. Li ser perwerdeya olî, karnameyeke wan a ji ya dibistanên giştî cudatir tuneye û fêrkirina metnên olî di heftyekê de saetek e; ji bo van (tekstan) kitêbên ku ji alîyê Wezareta Perwerdeyê ya HHKê ve tên dabînkirin, bi kar tînin. Tevî ku li van dibistanan hîcab ne zal e, herî hindik di du rewşan de fealîyetên wan biguman in: Ya yekem, ji serî de li van dibistanan kur û keçan jev vediqetînin. Ev jevcudakirin hîn jî berdewam e. Ji ber çanda xwe ya mihefezekar Herêma Kurdistanê li dijî vê meseleyê derneketîye; kesên niştecih ew hembêz jî kirîye. Ku mirov li malper, torên civakî û kitêbên akademîk ên Kirk (Kirk 2011) dinere, ku tê de hin sûretên hin xwendevan û derçûyîyan hene, ew dîyar e ku pornixûmandina Islamî ya xwendevanên keçik wek a cilwergirtina Îslamî-Tirk e ku li van salên dawî bi jinên serokwezîr û serokên AKPê gelkî xuya bûye lê ji cilwergirtina Îslamî ya jinên li Kurdistanê gelekî cuda ye. Qismeke vê modela Îslamî-Tirk, ligel bandorên medyayê, bi teqlîdkirina xwendevanan a mamosteyên xwe yên Tirk ve pêwendîdar e ku ew mamoste vê cureya hîcabê bi kar tînin.

Encam

Fealîyetên perwerdeyî yên Tevgera Gulenî yên li Herêma Kurdistanê, ji ber gelheya wê ya ku li gor çalakîyên li deverine din ên cîhanê kêm e, tiştekî awarte dixuyin. Perwerdeya kalîtebilind a li van dibistanan, dema bi ya dibistanên dewletê û bi perwerdehîyeke sekuler a di dibistanên çar-zimanî re were hevberkirin, tê dîtin ku vê li Herêma Kurdistanê îmajeke erênî li ser wan çêkirîye. Niha, piştî fealîyetên zêdetirî bîst salan ên li van dibistanan, em di sektorên taybet û giştî de şahidê xuyanga derçûyîyên xwende yên van dibistanan dibin. Tevî ku ti lêkolîneke serbixwe derheqê nasnameya xwendevanên derçûyî yên van dibistanan de û têkilîya wan a bi Tevgera Gulenî re nehatîye kirin, torên civakî yên Tevgera Gulenî yên ku derheqa bandora dibistanên Gulenî ya ser kar û jîyana xwendevanên derçûyî de vîdeoyan diweşînin, nîşandarên bandora van dibistanan in. Herwiha, ji ber pêwendîya aborî ya berfireh a di navbera Herêma Kurdistanê û Tirkîyê de ligel razemenîyên mezin ên şîrketên Tirkan ên li jêrxana Herêma Kurdistanê, bo xwendevanên van dibistanan fêrbûna zimanê Tirkî avantejeke mezin e ji bo ku karên bi dahateke bilind bibînin.

Lê belê polîtîkayên hûndirîn û derveyîn ên Tirkîyê bo jinûvestendina şana Împaratorîya Osmanî bi armancên Gulenî re ji vî alî ve li hev tên. Piştî 2014 û destpêka alozîyên di navbera AKP û Tevgera Gulenî de, partîya îqtîdarê dixwaze fealîyetên perwerdeyî yên vê tevgerê li hûndir û derveyî Tirkîyê bisînor bike. Wisa xuyaye ku HHKê hewl daye xwedanîya EPFê biguhere û şîrketeke Kurd wek xwedîyê wê tayîn bike (Dwarozh 2016). Ew ne dîyar e bê ka ev cîguhertina di rêveberêya van dibistanan de, ku bi destê Tirkan tê birêvebirin û karnameya bo wan a ku girêdayî Gulenî ne, wê biguherin ya na. Lê ew kifş e ku ev dibistanên ku ji her cure rexneyê tên parastin, perwerdeya wê ya veşartî ku xwe dispêre fikrên Gulenî heq ji vê yekê hat der ku modeleke Tirk-Îslamî, jinûveçêbûna newekhevîyên civakî û jevveqetandina zayendî û helbet ji alîyê aborî de karekî biqezenc dabîn dike.

1 Ji bo baldarîya bisexbêr, fehm û alîkarîya wî, spasîya Dr Kerîmî dikim kir ku peşnûmeya vê gotarê bi pêş keve.

2 “Gülen-Inspired Schools in Southern Kurdistan: Curriculum and Ideology”, Journal of Middle Eastern Reaserch, hej. 1, sal, 2017, r. 4-27, Soran University Kurdistan Center For Middle Eastern Research.

3Ti enstîtûyên perwerdeyî yên Tevgera Gulenî li Îran û Surîyê tunene. Cudahîya di navbera Tirk-Îslam û modela Îslamî ya li Îran û Hîkûmeta Surîyê kir ku ev herdu welat bi awakî fermî li dij hebûna tevgerê derkevin. Ji milê din, Gulen bi rexneyî angaşt dike ku rêvebirên Îranê dawa belavkirina Şoreşa Îranê dikin. Û di rewşa welatên Ereb de dupata Gulenî li ser girîngîya dewletê hemberî (versus) têgeha Ûmmeta Îslamî disekine.

4 Nîqaşeke mezin heye li ser tevgerê bê ka çawa xwe bi fikrên Gulenî ve girêdide, Ebaugh bawer dike ‘’Ew (Gulen) bi awakî domdar şopînerên xwe hişyar dike ku tevgerê ne wek ‘Tevgera Gulenî’ lê wek ‘Tevgera Xizmetê’ bi nav bikin. Herwiha ew navlêkirina ‘dibistanên Gulenî’ jî red dike. Bêtir şêwra hevpar û hevfikrîbûnê diparêze û ew tîne zimên ku bi mîlyonan beşdarên vê tevgerê ne ku bo projeyên biserketî kredîyan heq dikin ku ew (kredî) encamên hempişkîya nerîn û rihekî dilsozîyê ne (Ebaugh 2010, 124-5).

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