Hin Têbinî derbarê Lekolînên li ser Zimanê Kurdî*

TOVE SNUTNABB KANGAS JAFFER SHEYHOLISLAMI AMIR HASSANPOUR

JI ÎNGILÎZÎ: SÎRWAN QIÇÇO

*Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, Sheyholislam, Jaffer and Hassanpour, Amir (2012). “Concluding remarks.” In Sheyholislami, Jaffer, Hassanpour, Amir and Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove (eds.) The Kurdish Linguistic Landscape: Vitality, Linguicide and Resistance. Special volume nr 217, The International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 181-187

Qada zimanzaniya kurdî di bîst salên dawî de gelekî hatiye guhertin û dibe ku hîn jî were guhertin di dema weşana vê çapa Kovara Navnetewî ya Civaknasiya Zimên de. Lê rola zimanê kurdî (û zimanên zikmakî yên din li herêmê) û perwerdeya pir-zimanî ya li ser bingeha zimanê dayikê dê her wekî roleke sereke di avakirin û pêşvebirina aştiya civakê de bilîze. Em ê hinek ji van guhertinan nîqaş bikin û herwiha hinek pêşniyaran bikin ji bo bêtir lêkolînan di warê civaknasiya zimanê Kurdî de.

Sala 1991ê saleke girîng e di qada lêkolînên zimanê kurdî de. Di wê salê de, Tirkiyeyê rê da kurdan ku zimanê xwe li mal û kolanan bi kar bînin. Di heman salê de li Iraqê, kontrola hikûmeta navendî ya Iraqê ji ser gelek bajarên Kurdistana Iraqê hate hilanîn û Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê hate damezrandin. Qewimîneke din jî, rûxandina Yekîtiya Sovyetê bû, cihê ku kurdan hinek piştgirî ji bo zimanê kurdî werdigirt, lê ew piştgirî jî bi ketina Sovyetê nema.

Di çend salên dawî de me dît çawa pirsgirêkên zimên û pirsgirêkên sosyo-kulturî û siyasî di nav hev de ne. Li Tirkiyeyê, digel ku zimên gelek xisar dîtiye jî, derfeta weşana bi kurdî çebûye û herwiha weşanên medyayî yên bi kurdî jî zêde bûne. Ji bo cara yekê, dersên zimanê kurdî li ser asta zanîngehan tên dayîn. Lê belê, bersiva lawaz ya hikûmetê ji bo tevgera gelêrî ya mafên zimên li Tirkiyê ji aliyê kurdan ve nehatiye qebûlkirin. Kempenya Bêîteatiyê ya Sivîl li Tirkiyeyê ku ji aliyê “dayikên aştiyê” ve di Adara 2011’ê de hate destpêkirin, ligel Konên Çareseriya Demokratîk li seranserî Kurdistan û Tirkiyeyê, çar daxwaz hene:

Rawestandina demildest ya operasyonên leşkerî û siyasî.
Perwerdeya bi zimanê zikmakî û pêşkêşkirina garantiyên destûrî ji bo bikaranîna zimanê dayikê li deverên giştî[1].
Hilanîna bendava 10% ya hilbijartinê ya ku rê li ver nûnertiya gelê Kurd li parlamenê digire.
Azadkirina hemû girtiyên siyasî.

Ev kempeyn ya herî xurt e heta nuha ji aliyê kurdan ve: bersiv û reaksiyona polîsê tirk jî bi heman xurtbûnê bû, ligel lêdan, girtin û tirsandinê. Lê belê, berxwendina bi hemû şêweyên xwepêşandinên ji bo demokrasiyê belav dibe –ne tenê li Tirkiyeyê lê belê li hemû Rojhilata Navîn.

Wekî em ji van daxwazên jorîn dibînin (û ji ezmûna beşdarbûna konferans û komcivînên li Kurdistan û Tirkiyeyê û şopandina gelek dozên dadgehan), bikaranîna vekirî ya zimanê kurdî (di nav de jî mafê berevaniya xwe bi kurdî li dadgehan) û perwerdeya bi kurdî (û zimanên din yên zikmakî li Tirkiyeyê) tiştên sereke ne wekî daxwazên din ên siyasî. Eger îro Tirkiyê wî tiştê ku Împeratoriya Osmanî sala 1920an de soz dabû bike, tevî hilanîna Madeya 64. ya serxwebûnê, gelek astengiyên heyî yên destûrî û yasayî li ser bikaranîna zimanên ne tirkî dê werin rakirin. Xweseriya xwecihî, di nav de jî xweseriya darayî û kulturî, ligel parastina kêm-netewan, dê herwiha bibin çareserî ji bo kêmasiyên aborî, mafên mirov, perwerde, ziman û lêkolînên li Kurdistanê.

Em naxwazin îdia bikin ku dema ev mafên mirovî yên kurdan, tevî mafên zimên û perwerdeya li ser bingeha zimanê dayikê rêz jê re bên girtin ewê hemû pirsgirêkên din yên sosyo-aborî li herêmên paşdemayî yên kurdan yekser werin çareserkirin. Avakirina welêt û plankirina zimên du prosesên berdewam in û bi sedsalan dirêj dikin. Ji dema ku kurdan di sala 1992ê ve li başûrê Kurdistanê[2] dest bi rêvebirina karûbarên xwe kirine, ew rastî gelek astengî û zehmetiyan hatine: ji ewlekarî, gendelî û hilbijartinên parlamenî yên azad bigire, heta bi pirsgirêkên plankirina ziman û perwerdeyê. Tevî wiha jî, başûrê Kurdistanê bûye yek ji kêm deveran li herêmê ku maf dide wan zimanên ku dihate bawerkirin windayî ne. Wekî mînak, aramiya nû û tirkmanî. Di heman demê de, gengeşeyeke berdewam hatiye holê derbarê gelo kîjan zaravayê kurdî divê bibe zimanê fermî û standard li Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê (HHK).

Tevgera netewî ya kurd her gav bûye hêzeke sereke di berxwedana hember qirkirina zimanê kurdî de. Lê belê, ji dema ku vê tevgerê desthilat li başûrê Kurdistanê xistiye nav destên xwe, ew nêzîkahiyeke ne demokratîk li nakokiya ser zaravayê standard û fermî distîne û suriştiya du-standard û pir-zaravayî ya zimanê kurdî red dike. Îdyolojiya avakirina netewe-dewletê, piştî slogana Şoreşa Frensî, banga yek welat û yek ziman dike. Ev yek jî zext û fişarê li parlamena Kurdistanê dike ku kurdiya soranî bike zimanê standard û fermî li başûrê Kurdistanê. Ev daxwaza soranîaxêvan ji aliyê kurmancîaxêvan hatiye redkirin. Kurmancîaxêv bawer dikin ku zaravayê wan jî standard e û divê di heman statuya soranî de be. Hemdem, ji 2006’ê ve, hinek kurdên hewramîaxêv daxwaza xwe derbirîn kirine ku zaravayê wan li qonaxa perwerdeya seretayî ligel yê soranî were dayîn. Ev pirsgirêk hê jî nehatine çareserkirin. Têbîniyên vê dawiyê yên Tariq Cambaz, endamê paralemana Kurdistanê, li Akademiya Kurdî li Hewlêrê, nîşan didin ku pêşketineke kêm di warê statu û plankirina giştî de di bîst salên dawî de li başûrê Kurdistanê hatiye kirin. Jimareke berbiçav ji ferhengzan, mamoste, zimanzan, nivîskar, wergêr û weşangerên kurd hêvîşikestinên xwe hember awayê ku zimanê kurdî li başûrê Kurdistanê tê birêvebirin –ne tenê di warê nebûna rêbazeke giştî ji bo zimên, lê belê di warê nebûna plankirineke rast û sîstematîk a bi temamî. Herwiha, rêbazeke tund heye ku ziyan gihandiye zimanê kurdî; di gel ku di hemû qadên fermî de bê kirin jî, bêguman ev ne siyaseta dewletê bi xwe ye û ji beriya çêbûna HHK jî hebû. Ev di salên 1920an destpê kir. Bi kurtasî, hewildanên plankirina ziman li başûrê Kurdistanê têrê nakin û ne bes in.

Ewle ye mirov bibêje ku ji bo kurdên Tirkiyeyê kêmtir zehmetî di warî plankirina statuya zimanê xwe de hene. Li başûrê Kurdistanê rêbazeke tesadufî derbarê ziman û plankirina wî de heye ji destpêka salên 1920an ve dema damezrandina komara nû ya Îraqê. Li Tirkiyeyê, welatê ku zimanê kurdî heta vê dawiyê lê qedexe bû, siyaseta nû ya ziman, di nav de jî perwerdeya li ser bingeha zimanê dayikê, dê li ser bingehên sist were avakirin. Ji wilo bêtir jî, kurdiya li Tirkiyeyê ne wek ya Îraqî û Îranê jî parçebûyî ye. Ji bilî dora du milyon kurdên bi zazakî diaxivin, hemû kurdên bakur bi kurmancî diaxivin. Dibe ku hêsantir be ku kurmancî wekî zimanî fermî û netewî li bakurê Kurdistanê were ragihandin, ligel parastina mafên zimanî yên zazakîaxêvan re.

Dibe ku rewşa kurdên rojhilata Kurdistanê jî di vî warî de ji ya kurdên başûrê Kurdistanê baştir be. Eger kurdên başûrê Kurdistanê bi giranî ketibin jêr bandora zimanekî cuda wekî erebî, kurdên li Rojhilat li jêr bandora farisî ne, zimanê fermî yê Îranê ku bixwedi warê zimanzanî û kulturî de nêzîkî kurdî ye bêtir ji erebî û tirkî. Li Îraq, Sûriye û Tirkiyê, beşekî mezin ji civaka kurd li metropolên mezin dûrî zimanê xwe ketine, ne tenê di warê fonolojîk û rêzimanî de, lê belê li ser asta hêza deng, regez û pragmatîka zimên de jî. Ji bilî wilo jî, tevî ku rojhilata Kurdistanê warê hemû zaravayên kurdî ye, ji bilî zazakî, dibe ku standina biryarekê ji bo zimanê fermî û netewî li wir hêsantir be (ew jî soranî ye) ji başûrê Kurdistanê. Sedem jî ew e ku piraniya kurdan, ji bilî hinek hewramî û kurmancîaxêvan, soranî wekî zimanê sereke qebûl kirine. Lê ewê hêsantir be ku, dema ku rojhilatê Kurdistanê xweseriya siyasî bidest bixîne, kurdên wê derê soranî wekî zimanê fermî yê navxweyî ragihînin. Lê ev îhtîmal niha dûr e. Rastî ew e di van salên dawî de, çalakiyên girêdayî pêşxistina zimanê kurdî li Îranê hatine paşvexistin. Ji dema ku bêtirî bîst weşan û kovarên kurdî û kurdî-farisî di dawiya salên 1990’an de li Îranê dihatin belavkirin, nuha tenê yek kovar heye ku bi sponsoriya dewletê weşana xwe nake. Ew jî kovara Mehabadê ye. Lê tevî vê yekê û ne bicîanîna Madeya 15. ya destûra Îranê, wekî nîşaneya siyaseta qirkirina zimên an terikandina ber bi mirinê ve, weşandina pirtûkên ne siyasî bi zimanî kurdî –tevî ku jimara wan kêm e– her berdewam kiriye. Mînakeke baş di vî warî de jî ferhenga sê beş ku ji aliyê Zanîngeha Kurdistanê ve hatiye weşandin.

Li rojavayê Kurdistanê, statuya zimanê kurdî nehatiye guhertin û gelek qedexe li ser bikaranîna kurdî hatine danîn û her dom dikin. Lê ji ber bûyerên ku di Gulan û Hezîrana 2011ê ve li Sûriyê dest pê kirine, xuya dibe ku ew welat di veguhestineke civakî û siyasî re derbas dibe. Dibe ku ev veguhestin jî bi xwe re guhertinekê ji bo statuya zimanê kurdî bîne. Kurdên rojavayê Kurdistanê cuda ne ji kurdên li Îran, Îraq û Tirkiyê, ji ber ku ew hemû bi zaravayê kurmancî diaxivin. Ji ber vê yekê jî, ewê rastî zehmetî û astengiyên pir-rengiya navxweyî ya zimên neyên –bi kêmî di paşeroja nêzîk de. Lê belê, çi veguhestina zimanî û perwerdeyî (ji tenê erebî bo kurdî û erebî) dê bêy kêşe û zehmetiyên xwe neyê.

Helbet, pir-rengî û cudahiyên zimên ne tiştekî taybetî Kurdistanê ne. Hemû welat kêm zêde di warê ziman de pir-rengîn in. Ev pir-rengî û cudahî di warê dîrokî, herêmî û sosyo-siyasî de rûniştine. Ev jî tê wê wateyê ku her civakek pêdivî heye ku riya xwe bibîne ji bo pênasîna pir-rengiya zimanî bi riya plankirineke maqûl û durist. Ji bo pêkanîna vê yekê li Kurdistanê, divê gelek kar û lêkolîn were kirin. Wekî mînak, hinek agahiyên sereke ku ji bo lêkolîna ziman û perwerdeya kurdan pêwîst in, tune ne – wekî jimara kesên bi kurdî dipeyivin û jimara kesên ku bi her zaravayekî dipeyivin: kurmancî li bakur, başûr, rojhilat û rojava, an jî hewramî li başûr û rojhilat. Zanîna hejmara kesên bi hewramî diaxivin, dê alîkariya desthilatdarên başûrê Kurdistanê bike eger ew biryarekê li ser perwerdeya li ser bingeha hewramî li herêma hewraman bistînin. Hebûna hejmarên rasttir wê di vê qadê de alîkariya bêtir lêkolînan bike.

Lêkolîn herwiha di warê plankirina giştî de jî pêwîst e –ev yek jî di vê hejmarê de gelekî nehatiye behskirin. Piştî pirtûka Hassanpour ya sala 1992yan, gelek kar di warê plankirina bi giştî jibo zaravayên kurdî nehatiye kirin. Ne tiştekî veşartiye ku niha li başûrê Kurdistanê, wekî mînak, kurdiyeke “seqet” di sedan televizyon û radyo û malperan de tê bikaranîn. Tevî vê jî, hîn li başûrê Kurdistanê jî di warê plankirina giştî de analîz û lêkolînên kûr nehatine kirin. Bêtir lêkolîn di warê kompleksîbûna standardkirina ziman, statuya wî û plankirina giştî de dê bêtir bala xwediyên biryardarên li başûrê Kurdistanê bikişîne ser rastiya ku bêdengiya derbarê statuya zaravayên kurdî û daxwazên hewramî-zaran, wê nîqaşên derbarê zimên lawaz neke an ji holê raneke. Nebûna rêbaz û siyasetên zelal ji bo ziman, gengeşî û zehmetiyên zimanî û xetereyên warê zimên de çareser nake. Di rastiyê de, nebûna rêbazeke zelal dibe ku li civakeke pir-zimanî tiştekî dijwartir be: ev yek mafên zimanî yên kêmnetewan paşguh dike û normalkirin û parastina monolingualismê (yek-zimanî) berdewam dike. Wekî Fishman dibêje, “heta ew ‘nebûna siyaseta zimên’ ku li gelek welatên demokratîk peyda dibe û di rastiyê de siyaseteke dijî kêmnetewan e, jiber ku ew van zimanan bi mebest paşguh dike û rê nade wan ku bibin beşek ji ajendeya nirxên giştî yên ku civak piştgiriya wan dike. Bi vê yekê ew ziman nerewa dike.” Li vê dema ku zimanên hezkirî pêdivî parastinê ne, ew herwiha pêdivî standardkirin û niştimankirinê ne da ku li gorî pêdiviyên jiyana modern werin bikaranîn.

Herwiha pêdivî bi lêkolînên warê zimên de yên bi rûwangeyeke rexneyî bên kirin hene. Ev yek jî pêdiviya bo lêkolînên ku balê dide ser bikaranîna zimên (û nebikaranîna ziman) di nav komên nav siyaset û rêvebiriyê de derdixîne pêş. Ew wisa jî girîngiyê dide şêweyên behskirina ziman, û ya girîng jî, xebatên perwerdeyî yên wekî alavên ku xwendekar û mamoste ji bo fêrbûn û hînkirina ziman bikar tînin. Şopandineke sax û sergihayî ji bo ekolojiya ziman, divê zimanan di çarçoveya qedexekirin, axaftin û hînkirina wan de bibîne. Rêbaz û siyaseta ziman ne tenê kar û xebatên xwediyên çêkirina biryaran e. Divê ew çalakiyên kesên bi zimanî diaxivin bidin ber çavan. Ev kes zimanan bikar tînin, ew bixwe jî akterên nefermî ne ku bi awayekî rasterast yan jî nerasterast didin xuyakirin ka ev ziman çi ne, çawa tên dîtin û dê bibin çi.

Gotarên di vê hejmarê de baleke mezin didin binpêkirina zimanê kurdî. Lêkolînên di paşerojê de divê destkeftên zimanê kurdî yên di warê zindîbûnê de derxin pêş. Lêkolînên paşerojê yên di warê zimanê kurdî de divê bi têgihiştineke ku pergaleke nû ji zimanê kurdî re peyda bûye. Vebûna sînoran bûye encama peywendiyeke mezin di navbera bakurê Kurdistanê û başûrê Kurdistanê de, wiha jî di navbera başûr û rojhilata Kurdistanê de. Diyaspora berê penagehên girîng bûn ji bo weşana bi kurdî lê piştî avakirina Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê û derketina malperên medyaya civakî, rola wan winda bûye tevî ku ew hîn di warê weşana satelîtê de ji bo hemû kurdan, ji bilî HHK, dikin. Satelîte, TV, mobîl û alavên medyaya civakî ji kurdan (û xeynî Kurdan) re bûne tiştekî sereke ji bo zanîna tiştên ku li her deverê diqewime (tevî bi milyonan kurdên ku li diasporayê li Australia, Amerîka, Kanada û Ewrupayê dijîn. Sheyholislami [2011]). Girîng e û pêwîst e ku di warê medyaya civakî û înternetê di nav peywenda çewsandina zimên de lêkolîn bên kirin (û dikin).

Gotarên di vê hejmara taybet de balê didin ser jiyana civakî ya zimanê kurdî, dîroka wî ya kêşebar û zehmetiyên pêkanîna lêkolînan li ser zimanê kurdî. Ev babet jî di çarçoveya dîrokî ya pirsgirêkên zimanê kurdî de berî û piştî hilweşîna rejîma Împratoretiya Osmanî, û di çarçoveya herêmên zimanî yên taybet bi kurdî li Tirkiye, Îran û Îraqê, lê pisgirêkên zimanê kurdî li Sûriye, Ermenistan û diasporayê ne di nav de ne. Ev hejmar hûrgîliyan derbarê gotûbêj û gengeşeyên van mijarên jorîn di peywenda berhevkirin û mînakên navnetewî de pêşkêş dike. Kirina vê yekê rê dide derketina manendî û cudahiyên di navbera van mînakan de. Manendî ji cudahiyan bêtir in. Ew pirsgirêkên mezintir di qada lêkolînên kurdî de û girîngiyeke giştî di qada sosyolojiya zimanê kurdî de nîşan didin. Hêvî ew e ku ev hejmara taybet ya IJSL jibo xwendevanên wê di hemû waran de balkêş be. Wekî mînak, hûrbûna ser ziyana ku gihiştiye civak û zimanên niştecihan a di encama jinûveperwerdeya bi zorê ya zarokên niştecîhan li dibistanên malî de wekî beşek ji “misyona şaristanîkirinê”, li Australia û Amerîkaya Bakur pir dişibin hevdu, û ev encam wê ji zanyar û pisporan re ku di warê vejandin û duristkirina zimên de kar dikin, girîng bin. Bi heman şêweyî, ewê ji bo komên niştecîh ên din jî (wekî vekolerên eşîrî/navneteweyî yên Nepal, Hindistan û welatên Nordîk) ku di nav hewildanên vejandina zimên de ne, ku perwerdeya li ser bingeha zimanê dayikê têxên nav sîstema perwerdeya dewletê.

Tirkiyê li seranserî cîhanê di nav hewildanên mezin de ye, bi taybetî li Amerîkaya Bakur û Ewrupayê, ji bo bêdengkirina ermenan û jinûvenivîsandina dîrokê. Ew hewil dide xelkê razî bike ku jenosîda ermenen a berî sedsalekê çênebûye. Bi heman şêweyî, Tirkiye dixwaze cîhanê qayîl bike ku pirsgirêka kurdan jî tune ye (bi rastî jî, elbet ew pirsgirêkeke tirkan bixwe ye). Dîroka binpêkirin û zordariya li ser kurdan û zimanê wan û paşguhxistina wan a qestî û pênasekirina wan wekî gelekî neşaristanî, li hemû herêmên kurdî hatiye bêdengkirin û jinûve hatiye nivîsîn (ev yek nuha li başûrê Kurdistanê guheribe jî). Di gotarên vê hejmarê de, lihevrastiyeke piştgir ji gelek çavkaniyên cuda tê, di çarçoveya welatên cuda de ku li ser heman bûyer û prosesên dîrokî yên girîng derbarê kurdan û zimanê kurdî tê behskirin. Nuha dê êdî zehmetir be ku dewlet pirsgirêkan paşguh bike -nikarin wan ji hafizaya miroven derxînin an li welatên cuda hafizayê ji nû ve binivîsin. Ligel heman “dîrokê” ku ji aliyên cuda yên dîrokzanên zimên li Sûriye, Îran û Tirkiye tên, hemû behsa heman tiştî dikin, “zindîbûneke derveyî” ya mezin heye ku hema hema xwe ji nav rûpelên têkel davêjin derve, wek ku rexnegirek baldar ê vê hejmarê destnîşan kiribû.

Em hêvî dikin ku ev hejmar karibe hinekî alîkariya destpêka jiholêrakirina hinek ji wan astengiyên li pêş lêkolînên zimanê kurdî bike. Bêdengiya zanyarî di sosyolojiya kurdî de ne ji ber çarenivîs an jî nebûna girîngîpêdana bi ziman bi xwe ye. Lê belê ew ji ber kuştina ziman e ku ji aliyê dewletên ku desthilatdariya Kurdistanê dikin û ji aliyê kesên ku berjewendiyên wan yên aborî, leşkerî û siyasî li herêmê hene. Vê yekê jî roleke girîng di dûrxistina kurdî ya ji cîhana zanyariyê de lîstiye. Ev hejmara taybet herwiha ji bo nirxê wê yê sembolîk jî girîng e: zimanê kurdî di IJSL de tê nîşandan.

* Ji ber fikr û şîroveyên wan ên kêrhatî, ku me Têbiniyên Dawî de bikaranî, em spasiya Dr. Margreet Dorleijn û Dr. Shelley Taylor dikin.

[1] Her wekî din bnr. Coşkun û êndin. (2011), û (http://khrp.org/khrp-news/human-rights-docu- ments/briefing-papers/doc_download/286-culture-and-language-rights-mother-tongue-edu- cation-in- the-kurdish-regions.html, Culture and language rights – mother-tongue education in the Kurdish regions.

[2] Bi destûra nivîskarên nivîsê, ji dêvla ‘Kurdistana Îraqê, Kurdistana Îranê, Kurdistana Tir- kiyeyê, Kurdistana Sûriyê’ awayê ku di deqa resen de hatiye nivîsandin, me wek ‘başûrê Kurdistanê, rojhilata Kurdistanê, bakurê Kurdistanê û rojavayê Kurdistanê’ nivîsandiye, ji bilî çedn istisnayan. (ed.)

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