Destpêka Xebatên Kurdî (1787-1901)

destpêka Xebatên Kurdî (1787-1901)*

SACHA ALSANCAKLI – JI ÎNG: FEXRÎYA ADSAY

Puxte: Dîroka xebatên Kurdî ya di serdema beriya sedsala 20mîn hatiye îhmalkirin. Dema hatiye nîqaşkirin jî, ji bo derbasî geşedanên derengtir bibin, bi çend mînakan tenê wek karekî acil hatiye dîtin. Vê rê li ber projeksiyonên anakronîk ên rewşa hemdem a vê qadê li ser rabirdûyê vekiriye. A din, boçûna gelemperî ya nepeywendkirî destûr nedaye ravekirineke rexneyî ya geşedanên vê qadê û awayê ku meyl û nirxandinên global tê de rû didin. Bi vê xebata peywendkirinê, ev gotar dixwaze geşedanên beriya sedsala 20mîn baştir bê famkirin û taybetmendiyên taybet ên bi vê geşedanên re peyda bûne tesbît bike.

Peyvên sereke: Xebatên Kurdî, Oryantalîzm, filolojî, zimanzanî, dîroka zanistê, sedsala 19mîn

Destpêk

Di dîroka xebatên Kurdî de, her teşebisa nivîsînê heta radeyekê girêdayî refleksekê bûye. Ev ne tenê ji ber ku lêkolînerên xebatên Kurdî heta niha dîroka wê xebitîne. Wek di gelek qadên din de, dîroka xebatên Kurdî bi xwe bûye parçeyek girîng ê xebatên Kurdî. Ev, yek ji gelek rewşan e, wek Wolf Lepenies û Peter Weingart diyar kirine, “jinûvesazkirina rabirdûyeke zanistî bivê nevê aidî kakila zanistê ye.”1 Di encamê de, dîroka xebatên Kurdî bi qada firehtir a xebatên Kurdî berpêbûneke (tropîzm, yönelim) sedsala 20mîn parve dike, yanê xebatên derheqê Kurdan ên beriya I. Şerê Cîhanê piranî di roniya retrospektîf a geşedanên dahatûyê de tên dîtin. Tenê beriya şowa mezin karekî mecbûrî ne.

Ev dibe sedem ku vegotin li ser hin aliyên serpêhatiyê bisekine lê yên din di tariyê de bihêle. Ev vegotin serpêhatiya Keşîşê Domînîken Maurizio Garzoni (1734– 1804), ku li Kurdistanê gelek wext derbas kiriye, pirtûkek rêziman û ferhenga Kurdî (Grammatica e vocabolario della lingua Kurda, 1787), nivîsandiye û lewma wek “bavê Kurdolojiyê”2 hatiye qebûlkirin. Çend navên din jî wek hemleyên sedsalê tên dayin -Giuseppe Campanile, Peter Lerch û Auguste Jaba di navenda van de ne- û di çend rûpelan de bi dawî dibe.3

Dîroka bi sazûmanî ya xebatên Kurdî tam dema I. Şerê Cîhanê de dest pê kir. Cara yekem, Kurdî li Petersburgê di 1916a de di zanîngehê de hat fêrkirin ji aliyê Yusuf Orbeli ve (1887-1961). Têgeha “Kurdolojî”yê piştî 1934a de belav bû û yekem kongreya Kurdolojiyê ya pan-Sowyetîk li Êriwana Ermenistanê hat li dar xistin.4 Di sedsala 19mîn de, xebatên Kurdî di nav qad an zanistên firehtir an sazûmanbûyî de (xebatên oryantalîst, zimanên berawirdî, hwd.) geş bûbû. Ev sînorên sazûmanî yên başnediyarkirî, karê nivîskarên sedsala 20mîn hêsantir kir ku nêrînên xwe yî hemdem ên derbarê vê qadê de, arasteyî ser rabirdûyê bikin.

Nivîskarên van vegotinan gelek caran nivîsên misyoneran, serpêhatiyên gerokan û xebatên akademîk bêyî rexne bikin hemû dan ser hev û bêyi ku ji hev veqetînin kirin hundirê kîsekî, ne li naveroka van deqan nêrîn ne li cudatiyên hilberîner û navnîşanên wan nêrîn. Kêmasiya sînorên sazûmanî û rexneyî, lîteratura hatiye hilberandin meyl kir ku li ser şexsên “qehreman” hûr bibe, ku rê li ber tişta Lepenies û Weingart wek “wêneyekî îdealîzekirî yên hewlên zanistî” bi nav kirine, ku ji çend “mirovên mezin” û “kişfên li pey hev ên li ser xeteke rast […]” pêk dihat.5

Li gor vê nîqaşê, xuya ye pêdivî bi vegotineke bêtir bi hevseng û peywendkirî heye. Ev gotar angaşt dike vê pêdiviyê bi cî bîne. Li gor vê, di nav sê qonaxan de tê dabeşkirin: destpêka sethî ya xebatên derbarê Kurdî de, di bin sîvana eleqeya gelemperî ya bo çeşitdariya zimanî ya li dinyayê; li Almanyayê pêşketina zimanzaniya berawirdî wek şikestinekê ku di vî warî de rê vekir li ber geşbûna xebatên bêtir pîsporî; û ya dawî, tevgera girîng a bi saya peydabûna Petersburgê wek navendeke xebatên Oriyental dabîn bû, ku xebatên Kurdî tê de zîl dan, rengê wan guherî û geş bûn.

Destpêkên sethî

Pascale Rabault-Feuerhahn, dema li ser pêşketina xebatên Sanskrîtî û filolojiya modern a li Almanyaya sedsala 19mîn dixebitî, di monografya xwe de dest nîşan dike ku

mijara çeşitdariya zimanan demek dirêj e bala lêkolîneran dikşand lê zêde pêş neketibû. Ji ronesansê vir de, li Ewropayê berfirehbûn û gramatîzebûna zimanên herêmî, geşbûna çapemeniya çapkirî û bi saya kişfên mezin teşxîsa zimanên nû kir ku lêkolîner hemû zimanên tê zanîn bi bikaranîna kategoriyên ji Yewnanî û Latînî mane, pênase bikin. […] Di dawiya sedsala hîjdemîn û destpêka sedsala nozdemîn de, ev proje bi berhevkirinên mezintir ên zimanên tê zanîn ku tên geşkirin, encam da […]. Lê, boçûn (nêzîkatî) piranî wek xwe ma […]. Ev hemleya rêzkirin û rasyonelkirinê, bi xistina nav kategoriyan yanê yek rêzeke neguherbar û gewherî, bi ser çeşitdariyê ket. Bi vî awayî rehenda dîrokî winda bû […].6

Suzanne Marchand bi hemfikiriya bi nêrîna jor re, dibêje “şoreşa mezin a civakî, siyasî û taybetî çandî ku em wek Ronayîbûn bi nav dikin, di dûvketina zanyariya derheqê Rojhilat de zêdebûneke gelekî mezin pêk anî. Ji aliyekî ve kevneşopên kevn dewam dikir, aliyekî ve sedsala hîjdemîn di pîvangeke nû de dibû şahidê berhevkirina daneyan […]”7 Di vê çarçoveya pêvajoya berhevkirinê de ye ku zimanê Kurdî yekem car derket pêş xwînerên Ewropî. Di 1780ê de, du projeyên ensîklopedîk ê vî cureyê ku li jor hat pênasekirin, hema bêje di eyn demê de hatin weşandin, Vokabulera Berawirdî ya Hemû Zimanên Cîhanê (Linguarum totius orbis vocabularia comparativa, wek du beş li St Petersburgê 1789-9a de hat çapkirin) a Peter Simon Pallas û Vokabulera Pirzimanî (Vocabolario poligloto, li Romayê di 1787a de hat çapkirin) a Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro.

Bi mahiyeta xwe dişibin hev lê di projeyan cuda bûn: Xebata Pallas, bi daxwaza Çariçe Katerinaya II a Rusyayê (hkm. 1762-96) dest pê kir, di mahiyeta xwe de sekuler bû, ya Hervás y Panduro bêtir awazek wê dînî hebû lê projeyek bêtir şexsî bû ji ber nivîskarê wê, ku Cizvîtekî Spanî bû, piştî ku di 1767a de Cizvît ji Spanyayê û kolonîyên wê yên Amerîkî hatin qewirandin li Italyayê bi cî bûbû. Û ger di herdu xebatan de Kurdî cî girtibe, Pallas û Hervás y Panduro du çavkaniyên cuda bi kar anîbûn, bi dorê nîşeyên seyahnameya Johann Anton Güldenstädt û rêzimana Maurizio Garzoni. Bi qasî bîst sal şûn de, projeyeke manend ji aliyê pirtûkxanevanekî Alman Johann Adelung ve hat destpêkirin. Xebata bi navê Mithridates (1806), herdu xebatên berê û çavkaniyên wan anîbû ba hev û îdia dikir ku lûtkeya ev cure xebatan temsîl dike. Bereksê wê, dema Asia Polyglottaya Julius Klaproth (wek sernavê xwe tenê bi zimanên Asyayî eleqedar bû) di 1832ya de derket, wê gavê ew wek aidî rabirdûyê hat dîtin: heta wê çaxê, pêşketina zimanzaniya berawirdî modaya ev cure berhevkirinan derbas bûbû. Niha em ê ji nêzîk ve li van berheman binêrin, ji ber ku ew destpêka sethî ya xebatên zimanê Kurdî li Ewropayê temsîl dikin.

Peter Simon Pallas û Johann Anton Güldenstädt

Marchand, wek alîkareke pêvajoya berhevên (collection) hatine kirin, ew nîşe nivîsandiye “zêdebûna seferên ber bi Rojhilat ve yên dewlet-fînanskirî” û bi taybetî qala seferên Rusî yên ku di sedsala 18mîn de pêk hatine, dike.8 Diyar e di yek ji van seferan de ye ku yekem mînakên ji zimanê Kurdî ji aliyê gerokên Ewropî ve hatine berhevkirin û çapkirin. Rêza seferên Orenburg-Astraxan ku navbera 1768 û 1774a de di bin hîmayeya Akamediya Imperiyal a Zanistan a Rusyayê de pêk hat, di bin serkêşiya botanîst û zoolojîstê Alman Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811) de bû. Ji van seferan sê ji wan ber bi Orenburgê ve, du jî ber bi Astraxanê ve bûn, bi armanca kişifkirina sînorên başûr ên împeratoriya Rûsî.

Serkêşê komekê Johann Anton Güldenstädt (1745–81) bû, xwezazanekî Alman ê Baltik ji Rîgayê bû û li Berlîn û Frankfurtê perwerde bûbû. Wek koma din î Astraxanê, koma Güldenstädt

berjêrî çemê Donê ve çûn, lê rasterast ji Kalaçinskayê derbasî aliyê hember bûn çûn Tsarityna li ser Volgayê (nêzîkî rotaya kanala modern a Don-Volgayê). Kom/mufreze di çiyayê Qafqas re derbasî Gurcistanê bûn û salekê lê man. Rêwîtiya vegerê Güldenstädt di ser çiya û zozanên bakurê Qafqasan re ber bi Çerkassk, Azov û Taganrogê ve bir. Şerê Rûs-Osmanî ya sala 1768-74a de nehişt biçe Qirimê lê ji dêvla wê li seranserî ‘Rûsyaya Nû’ (başûrê Ukraynayê) geriya beriya ku vegere Moskow û Petersburgê.9

Seferên Akademiyê, armancên wê pratîk hebûn. David Moon diyar dike “Akademiya Zanistan talîmatên bi hûrgilî dan pêşengên mufrezeyan; talîmat bi pêşniyazên Civaka Aboriya Azad […] ku bi teşwîqa Katerînayê hatibû damezirandin di 1765a de bo pêşvebirina aborîyê, bi taybetî geşkirina çandiniyê, hatibûn amadekirin.” Ev tê wê wateyê lêkolîn bêtir derbarê mahiyeta ax û avê de bû; ka bê axeke nehatiye çandin û xalî heye an tuneye ku bo gîhandina genim an berhemên din, an bo çêre an daristanan bê bikaranîn; faaliyetên aborî yên li ciyên şên, û ka ew çawa dikarê bên pêşxistin; ajaldarî; masîvanî; mîneralên bikêr; îmalat; nexweşî û derman.

Tenê îlaweyek e ew tiştên ku endamên seferê “derbarê hewayê, orf adetên xelkê û bermayîyên xelkên antîk de nivîsandine.”10 Xebatên zimanzaniyê herwiha ne armanceke sereke bû bo pêşengên seferê, ku hemû pîsporê zanistên xwezayê bûn. Lê J.A. Güldenstädt wexta xwe vediqetand bo berhevkirina peyvên ji zimanê gelên ew lê rast dihatin. Lewma, wî lîsteyek peyvan a 250 hêmanan pêk dihat bi kar dianî ku, tevî peyvên bingehîn, giranî li ser xweza, jiyana hov û çandiniyê bû, bi armancên sereke yên seferê re li hev bû.

Nîşeyên gera J.A. Güldenstädt ku piştî mirina wî ji aliyê P.S. Pallas du cildan de di 1787-91ê de hatin weşandin, cilda duyem bi “gotinên ji zimanên li Qafqasyayê tên axaftin hatiye berhevkirin” dawî dibe.11 Ev koma peyvan mînakên ji 22 zimanan dihewîne ku di nav 10 kategoriyan de hatine dabeşkirin, ku teqabulî herêmên berhevkirinê an nêzîkbûna genetîk a ferzkirî dikin – ji ber tunebûna şîroveyek derbarê lîsteya peyvan de, tiştekî teqez nikare bê gotin. J.A. Güldenstädt, Kurd wek Tirkmenên Tatar hesibandine, û lewma Kurdî di lîsteya dehemîn û ya dawîn de tevî Farisî û Tatarî cî digre.12 Ev mînakên ji Kurdîya Kurmancî ji Kurdên Gurcistanê hatine wergirtin û bi tîpên Latînî li gor ortografyaya Almanî (wek mînak, Chudi bo Xudê), û her çiqas hin têgehên li ber dest bi giştî serast bin jî, hin werger şaşfamkirina navbera Güldenstädt û agahîderên wî nîşan didin.13

Lîsteya peyvên Kurdî ya J.A. Güldenstädt, wek ku di paragrafên destpêkê ya vê beşê de hat qalkirin, ji aliyê P.S. Pallas ve di Vokabulera Berawirdî ya wî de jî hatiye bikaranîn.14 Ev xebata ku li ser daxwaza Katerinaya II hatiye nivîsandin, bi Rûsî ji 200 madeyên peyva pêk tê, her yek ji wan li dor 200 zimanan de (Kurdî di rêza 77a de ye, piştî Farisî û beriya Afganî û Osetî) peyva teqabul dike nîşan dide. Berhema ku tê de peyvên biyanî wek fonetik bi nivîsa Kirîlî hatine nivîsandin, li Petersburgê wek du cild di 1786 û 1789a de hatiye çapkirin. Lê tenê wek biberhevanîna lîsteyan e, ji aliyê şîrovekirin an peywendkirinê pir kêm tişt dibêje. Salek şûn de, xebateke pir manend li Italyayê derket, Vokabulera Pirzimanî ya Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro. Lê, Cizvîtê Spanî lîsteya J.A. Güldenstädt bo peyvên xwe yî Kurdî bi kar neanîbû; ji dêvla wê, wî berhema misyoner Maurizio Garzonî bi kar anîbû.

Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro û Maurizio Garzoni

Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro (1735–1809) dema cilda bîstemîn a lêkolîna xwe ya kozmografîk a zimanê Îtalî Nêrînên li ser Gerdûnê (Idea dell’Universo), bi sernavê Vokabulera Pirzimanî weşand, azmûneke wî baş a nivîsînê hebû. Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro, Cizvîtê Spanî ku li Îtalyayê dijiya û berê li Romayê misyoner bû, herdu cildên huvdemîn û hîjdemîn a lêkolîna xwe bo zimanan veqetandibû. Di cilda huvdemîn de ku di 1784a de weşand û navê Kataloga Zimanên tên Zanîn (Catalogo delle lingue conosciute) lê kiribû, îdia dikir ku “Farisiya modern tevî gelek peyvên Erebî û Hindî, zaravayekî xirabûyî ya Moxolîya Tatarî ye.”15 Di vê pirtûkê de, Kurdî wek zaravayeke Farisî ligel Bextîyarî, Deylemî an Belûcî dihat qalkirin û ev digot:

Kurdî ji aliyê Kurdan ve, ku tê bawerkirin nevîyên Keldaniyên antîk in lê xuya ye bêtir nêzîkî Ereban in ji ber ku zimanê wan tijî peyvên Erebî ye, li Kurdistana Îranê tê axaftin. Li Sûrîyeyê jî Kurd hene; ev bi Tirkî dipeyivin.16

Di cilda hîjdemîn a vê rêzê de, bi sernavê Kanî, Çêbûn, Mekanîzma û Harmonîya Zimanan (Origine, formazione meccanismo ed’armonia dell’idiomi, di 1785a de hatiye çapkirin) qala Kurdan nayê kirin lê heman nêrîn bo zimanê Medan tê gotin, ku nivîskar îdia dike ev ziman li Îrana hemdem tê axaftin û ji ‘Farisiya kevn’ yanê Pehlevî cuda ye.17

Di vê navê de, Vokabulera Pirzimanî di 1787a de hat çapkirin lê Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro dikaribû Rêzimana Maurizio Garzoni bi kar bîne, bi taybetî koma peyvan a pêvekê de ku ji aliyê Stefano Borgia (1731–1804) beriya çapê hatibû şandin, yanê di kurteya pirtûkê de jî cî nedigirt. Maurizio Garzoni, wek çavkanî bi nav nayê qalkirin, tenê Hervás y Panduro dibêje

Kurdistani (il Curdistano), ji Tirkî bêtir nêzîkî Farisî ye: ewqas ku ji sed peyvên Kurdistanî (parole Curdistane) tenê panzdeh ji wan dişibe wateya wan di Tirkî de, sî û pênc ji wan dişibe Farisî; ji min wer xuya ye, peyvên Kurdistanî ji Tirkî jî û Farisî jî zêdetir nêzîkî Tatarîya kevn in.18

Dû re di nav eyn sala 1787a de, Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro, cilda dawî ya rêza pirtûkên xwe yî derheqê gerdûnê de, pirtûkek bi navê Bikaranîna Zana ya Zimanan (Saggio pratico delle lingue), berhevanîna duayên Xirîstiyaniyê di gelek zimanên cuda de, çap kir. Beşa derbarê Kurdî de, peyv bi peyv kopiya Duaya Rabbîn a bi Kurdî ya encama Rêzimana M. Garzonî ye. Lê vê carê, Hervás y Panduro qala Garzonî dike û dibêje

Sermetran Garzonî ji min re gotibû, li Kurdistanê zimanê Kurdî tê axaftin û hinek Erebî fam dikin. Zimanê Kurdî ji Erebî û Farisî têkel e, bêtir nêzîkî Farisî ye. […] Zimanê Kurdî ku rehên wê di Farisî de ye, bi peyv û biwêjên Erebî yên hinekî bi şêwaz guhertî tijî ye û hin peyvên Keldanî jî hê tê de hene. Cudatiya navbera Farisî û Kurdî, ji ya Spanî û Portugalî piçek zêdetir e.19

Gelek lîsteyên peyvan ku ji aliyê L. Hervás y Panduro hatine bikaranîn, çi bo zimanên Amerîkî be çi Asyayî an Afrîkî be, ji daneyên misyoneran dane hev hatine wergirtin.20 Bi rastî, ligel armancên pratîktir ên gerok û zanyarên Rusî, misyoner sedemên wan bi xwe hebûn bo berhevkirina daneyên zimanên gelên ku wan dixwest dînê wan biguherînin. Elbet sedemeke pratîk jî hebû ku M. Garzonî bi eşkereyî di pêşgotina Rêzimana xwe de diyar kiriye. Dema, bêyî alîkariya yek pirtûkê, li ser aloziyên xwe yî fêrbûna Kurdî difikirî, digot

Dema li van zehmetiyan û fêrbûna xwe ya zimanê Kurdî, yekî Ewropî bikaribe çiqas fêr bibe, fikirîm […], min biryar da ji bo xêra misyonerên nû rêzimanek û ferhengekê amade bikim. […] Li xwe mikur têm, ti aliyê vê rêzimanê wê ne bêkêmasî be: Ez tika dikim mirovên bi ihtiyat min efû bikin, ji ber ku ez yekem kes im vê bêyî alîkariya kesekî û pirtûkên vî zimanî biceribînim ku ronîyê bînim ser zimanekî heta niha nehatiye zanîn, bi tekane armanca alîkirina misyonerên pêşerojê. […] A din, Kurdistan, welatekî li ser sînorên împeratoriyên Îran û Osmanî ye ku marûzî cur be cur şoreşan dibin, ihtimal heye belkî misyoner mecbûr bimînin wê derê biterikînin û heta çend sedsalan kes nikaribe here; di vê rewşê de, ev xebata min wê pêwîst be û alikariya bidestxistina bingeha zimanê ku em pê eleqedar dibin, bike […]. Ewçax, niyeta min ev bû, dema pirtûka rêziman û ferhenga Kurdî-Italî amade kir.21

Her wiha diyar e, Maurizio Garzoni bi arezûya alîkariya misyonerên ku wê pêşerojê de mecbûrî werin Kurdistanê dest pê kiriye da ku wan xilas bike ji aloziyên pêvajoya fêrbûna zimên ku ew bi xwe tê re derbas bûbû. Ihtimal heye, bi taybetî misyonerên Domînîken di hişê wî de bûn û lewma peyvên Kurdî bi tîpên Farisî-Erebî bêtir bi tîpên latînî li gor bilêvkirina zimanê Italî nivîsandine.22

Lê, hewldanên kesên wek Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro bi eşkereyî dest nîşan dike ku bo kesên dînî, bo berhevkirina daneyan armanceke din a bêtir razber hebû, yanê “Peydakirina Yekbûnê (tewhîd) di nav Çeşitdariyê de û ravekirina çeşitdariya kategoriyên zimanî bi pêvekirina wê bi yekitiya zihna mirovatiyê.”23 Wek ku em ji hîpoteza Hervás y Panduro dibînin ku dibêje Farisî ji “Tatarî” yanê ji Farisiya navîn derketiye û, herçiqas xeletî jî bibe, Kurdî zaraveyekî Farisî ye, “ji Ronesansê vir de, rehendê genetîk, lêgerîna têkiliyan hêmaneke esasî ya di berawirdkirina zimanan de ye,” lê, “ne manendî ne jî nemanendiyên navbera zimanan de di nav têgehên veguherîna dîakronîk de tê dîtin û xebata derbarê koka zimanan, bi baweriya monogenîst a Incîlê re li hev dike, wek William Jones jî dibêje.”24

Dîsa, Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro mînakek din dide bo vê dema cilda xwe ya Kanî bi xwepêşandaneke bi niyeta piştrastkirina rastbûna serpêhatiya Încîlê bi dawî dike.25 Dû re lê zêde dike “beriya ku ziman li nav hev bikevin, tenê yek ziman dihat axaftin wek di pirtûka pîroz de dinivîsê, û ew elbet ziman Adem pê diaxivî, ji ber ku ti sedem tuneye bê gûmankirin ku heta wexta Nuh ew li cîhanê tekane ziman bû,” beriya ku miraq bike “gelo ev ziman bi tevlihevbûna zimanan re winda bû an di malbata Sêt de, ku di avakirina birca Babil de cî negirt, hat parastin.”26

Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro îlawe dike, sedemên hatine hilberandin ku Îbranî zimanê resen e, “tenê farazî” ne û angaşt dike:

Bandora tevlihevbûna zimanan wê dîsa ev bûya, zimanê antîk winda bibûya jî nebûya jî; ji ber ku ne normal e ku Yezdan bê sedem zimanê antîk topyekûn ji holê rake, tenê ev refleks jî dibe sedem ez bawer bikim, ew bi temamî winda nebûye; û em dikarin bifikirin, ew di wê malbatê de hatiye parastin, ku guhdariya fermana pîroz nekir û tevlî wan ên bêyî ku lê bifikirin birca Babilê ava kirin,27

Armanca projeya ku Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro parçeyek mezin î jiyana xwe jê veqetand ewçax zelal dibe: di çeşitdariya zimanan de, wî dixwest bermayîyên zimanê resen ku wî bawer dikir hê jî li deverna ji aliyê neviyên Sêt ve tê axaftin, kişif bike.

Dema xizmeta sereke wê di zihna niviskarê wê de alîkariya misyonerê dahatûyê be hat, xebata Maurizio Garzoni bû parçeyek zihniyeta nû ku ber bi dawiya sedsala 18mîn de xurt bû û han da hemû projeyên berhevkirina daneyan. Di vê peywendê de kesên wek Johann Anton Güldenstädt, botanîstekî Rîgayî, ligel peywira xwe ya sereke bi hewesa etnolînguîstîkê ketibû. Elbet taybetmendiya berhema Maurizio Garzoni hecma wê bû: monografiyek rêziman û peyvan ku bo zimanekî wek Kurdî kêm tê zanîn bû û ewçax gelek deradetî bû. Wek piraniya hemçaxên xwe, Garzoni, di pênasekirina Kurdî de, kategoriyên rêzimanî yên Yewnanî û Latînî bi kar anî ku boçûneke zerara wê hatiye piştrastkirin ji ber ku nêrîna nivîskar a bo zimên şewişandiye û kiriye ku ew wê kêm bibîne û wek zimanekî “besît” bi nav bike.28

Her wiha Maurizio Garzoni ne “bavê Kurdolojîyê” lê ew mirovekî serdema xwe bû, bi awayê ku misyonerên din bo zimanên gelê ku li deverên cuda yên cîhanê ew lê rast hatine kirine, wî jî bo Kurda û zimanê wan kiriye. Hişmendiya van misyoneran berceste dibû di misyona mezin a Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro dabû ser xwe ku armanc dikir rastbûna Pirtûka Pîroz dest nîşan bike û bermayîyên zimanê resen ê mirovatiyê kişif bike. Lê van berhevkirinên daneyan hê jî ji tasnîfkirina çeşitdariya zimanî pê ve tiştek pêşkêş nedikir; ji dîrokîbûna (historicity) ku peydabûna zimanzaniya berawirdî wê ji destpêka sedsala 19mîn vir de dabîn bikira, bêpar bû. Lê beriya pêşveçûna vê zanistê, Almanya wê weşana du berhevkirinên ansîklopedîk ên çeşitdariya zimanî bidîta, bi berfirehiya xwe ji ya P.S. Pallas û L. Hervás y Panduro mezintir bûn.

Johann Adelung û Julius Klaproth

Bi rastî, li Almanyayê bû, mezintirîn projeya bi vî awayî ku lûtkeya vîzyona premodern a çeşitdariya zimanî temsil dikir, peyda bû. Ev Mithridatesa Johann Adelung bû. Johann Christoph Adelung (1732–1806) li Dresdenê pirtûkxanevanek bû û beriya vê ferhenga xwe ya Almanî a pênc cild (di 1774–86a li Leipzigê çap bû) û Dîroka Şaristanîyê (1782–8), Dîroka Felsefeyê (1786) û projeyên din î ansîklopedîk xilas kiribû. Lewma piştî van berheman ne surprîz e ku projeya dawîn Mithridates an Tabloya Gerdûnî ya Zimanan (Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde) a wî bû, li dor pênc sed zimanên ku li gor erdigariyên xwe hatibûn dabeşkirin, dihewandin. Wî xilasbûna projeya xwe nedît: di 1806a de koça dawî kir piştî çapbûna cilda yekem; lê Johann Severin Vater (1771-1826) projeya wî dewam kir û cildên duyem (1809), sêyem (1812) û çarem (1817) xilas kirin.

Zimanên Asyayî ku Kurdî jî di nav wan de ye, di cilda yekem a Mithridates de tên nîqaşkirin û dabeşî du polan dibin, “zimanên yekkiteyî” (27-97) û “zimanên pirki- teyî” (97-640). Pola duyem, di nav zimanên Asyaya Başûr (99-299), Asyaya Rojava (299-449), Asyaya Navîn (449-533), Asyaya Bakur (533-67), giravên Asyaya Rojhilat (567-84), Asyaya Başûr an giravên Hindistana Rojhilat (584-614) û Giravên Deryaya Başûr (614-40) de dabeş dibe. Zimanê Kurdî di nav beşê pêncemîn ê qismê derheqê zimanên Asyaya Başûr de ye ku bo “zimanên Îranî” (273-99) hatiye veqetandin û Parsî (Farisiya Kevn, 274, 274ff.), Farisî (276-94) û Kurdî (294-9) di xwe de vedihewîne.

Adelung, wek çavkanî nîşeyên seyahata Güldenstädt, rêzimana Garzonî, Vokabulera Pirzimanî ya Hervás y Panduro û Vokabulera Berawirdî ya Peter Simon Pallas nîşan dike.29 Di destpêka nêrînên xwe yî derbarê Kurdan de, Adelung li dijî îdiaya Güldenstädt derdikeve ku Kurd bi Tirkmenan girêdide, û qala hîpoteza ku Kurd nevîyên Kardukîyên ji eyaleta Gordienê ne, dike; nêrîna xwe dispêre Vegera Dehhezaran a Ksenofon.30 Wan bi Keldanîyên Bakurî jî girêdide, ev nêrîn hê pêncî sal bi pey re, dema ku Peter Lerch berhema xwe Lêkolînên li ser Kurda û Keldanîyên Îranî yên Bakurî da weşand (Research on the Kurds and the Iranian Northern Chaldeans) (yekem car li Rusyayê di 1856a de çap bû, dû re di 1857a de hat wergerandin bo Almanî wek Forschungen über die Kurden und die iranischen Nordchaldäer), hê jî di rewacê de bû.

Adelung, derbarê zimên de piraniya agahiyên xwe ji çavkaniya berfirehtirîn ya Garzonî wergirtiye, Kurdî wek “zaraveyekî Farisî lê qebe, lawaz û xav, çawa ku mirov ji xelkekî qebe yî çiyayî hêvî bike wisa ye” pênase dike û pergala axaftinê “heta bêjî besît” û “tenê du raweyên demê […] û çar awayên lêkerkişandinê heye”.31 Wek hemû gotarên di Mithridates de, gotara li ser Kurdî jî bi Duaya Rabbin bi dawî dibe ku berhema Garzonî jî pê dawî dibû û di Bikaranîna Zana a Hervás y Panduro de jî hebû. Her wiha ev têkiliya navbera van projeyên ansîklopedîk ên curbecur diyar dike û nîşan dide ku sînorê navbera faaliyetên dînî û sekuler çiqas xumamî bûne.

Nêzîkî heman demê, zilamekî ku di kariyera wî de bi ya Johann Anton Güldenstädt re hin manendiyên balkêş hebû, derdikeve pêşberî me. Julius Klaproth (1783-1835) li Berlînê hatiye dinyayê, kurê kîmyazan Martin Klaproth (1743-1817) bû û pir zû dest avêt xebatên zimanên Asyayî. Di 1802-3ya de, berhema xwe ya ewil a li ser vê babêtê hilberand û 1804a de, kontê Polonyayî Jan Potocki (1761-1815) pêşniyaz kir wî wek doçent tayin bike li Petersburgê bo Akademiya Zanistan. Dû re, beşdarî du seferan bû, a yekem tevî sefareta kont Golovkin bo Çînê bû di 1805a de, piştî wê bû endamê hevpar ê Akademiyê, û ya duyem bo Gurcistan û Qafqasan bû (1807-9) ku li ser şopa J.A. Güldenstädt lê meşiyabû.32 Di 1812ya de bar kir Berlînê û 1815a de jî barkir Parîsê û li wir bi rihetî jiya heta dawiya temenê xwe, bi saya Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835) ku Qralê Prusyayê qanih kir unwanek û mûçeyê profesorê zimanên Asyayî bo serkeftinên wî yên zanistî, bibexşînê.33

Di bihara 1808a de, di sefera wî ya bo Qafqas û Gurcistanê de, Klaproth derfeta wî çêbû Xiristiyanekî Kurdîaxêv bi navê Oannes b. Dawudê ji Mûşê nas bike li bajarê Ewlebarî, li rojhilata Tiflisê. Ji vê rasthatinê gotarek 9 rûpelî nivîsand û di 1814a de hat weşandin, di hejmara çarem a kovara Fundgruben des Orients a Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall de. Di bin sernava “Listeya Peyvên Kurdî, bi Farisî û zimanên din î eleqedar re berawirdkirî” (“Kurdisches Wörterverzeichnis, mit dem Persischen und anderen verwandten Sprachen verglichen”), gotar qala listeya peyvan a J.A. Güldenstädt dike lê qala Rêzimana M. Garzoni, dibe ku J. Klaproth hay jê tunebû, nake.

Wek J. Adelung, J. Klaproth jî li dijî nêrîna Güldenstädt ku Kurdan wek Tirkmenên Tatar dipejirandin, derdikeve û rave dike ku ev nêrîn “bi zimanê wan re ku ligel peyvên ji zimanê Samî, ji zaraveyekî Farisî-Medî tê” li hev nake.34 Lê zêde dike dibêje Kurd “muhtemel e Kardûkîyên kevn in ku li çiyayên Gordîyenê dijiyan.” Dû re 9 rûpel dinivîsîne bi peyvên ku him lêker him navdêran dihewîne û, li gor nivîskar, “koka Medî ya zimanê Kurdî piştrast dike.”35 Şêwazên Kurdî her tim bi beramberên Farisî, Pehlevî û Avestîk re tên berawirdkirin, û carna bi Osetîk, Tatarî an Erebî. Sîstema transkrîpsiyonê, wek a Güldenstädt, li gor ortografyaya nivîsa Latînî ye.

Di şahberhema wî ya bi navê Asia Polyglotta (li Frankfurt çap bû, 1823) de, ku îdia dikir bibe çarçoveyeke gelemperî ya hemû zimanên Asyayî, Klaproth di dawiyê de pêwîst dibîne sîstemeke transkripsiyonê ya yekşêwe çêbike ku tetbîqî hemû zimanên li ser dixebite bibe. Lê ev transkrîpsiyon hê jî piranî xwe dispart Almanî. Di pirtûkê de, ziman li gor kokên xwe hatine komkirin û di vê pirtûkê de ye ku Klaproth têgeha Almanî “Indogermanisch” (Hînd-Alman) ji bo navê zimanên Indo-Ewropî populer dike, ku îro hê jî tê bikaranîn.36 Zimanên Indo-Ewropî yên li Asyayê tên axaftin bi gelemperî di rûpelên 42-5a de tên pênasekirin, rûpelên 75-81 bi awayekî berfirehtir bo Kurdî hatine veqetandin. Di van rûpelan de, nivîskar bi giştî naveroka gotarên xwe yî berê, bi çend guhertin û îlaweyan dubare dike.

Hewldanên Klaproth, wek ên Peter Simon Pallas, Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro û J. Adelung, parçebûna yekem a berhevkirinên çeşitdariya zimanî temsîl dikin. Lê, ev sînorkirin hê jî ji bingeheke kokî (genetîk) zêdetir li ser bingeha erdnigariyê hatiye kirin, û manendiyên navbera zimanan hatibin diyarkirin jî, wek sîstemên têkiliyan, têgeha malbatê zimanan hê jî ji zemînê dîrokîbûnê bêpar bû di qaideyên empîrîk de yên bo wêrar û guherîna ku zimanzaniya berawirdî wê dabin bikira. A rast, dema Asia Polyglottaya Klaproth hat çapkirin jî, ew wek aidî rabirdûyê xuya dikir. Çend sal berê, bi çapkirina berhemên ewil ên Franz Bopp li ser kişandina lêkeran di zimanên Sanskrîtî û Indo-Ewropî de, dewra berhevkirinên ansîklopedîk bo çeşitdariya zimanî hatibû li dawiyê sekinîbû.

Dema pêşketinê

Di xebatên zimanan û çeşitdariya zimanî de dema rast a pêşketinê ji 1810an vir de bi Friedrich Schlegel (1772-1829) dest pê kir û bi birayê wî yê mezin August Wilhelm Schlegel (1767–1845) û ya girîngtirîn bi Franz Bopp (1791–1867) dewam kir. P. Rabault-Feuerhahn diyar dike ku

berevajî [William Jones], Schlegel rehenda dîrokî […] bi cî kir di navenda nêrînên xwe yî derheqê ziman û gelan ku ji xebata wî ya Sanskrîtî geş bû. Di paragrafa yekem a Ceribandin [Li ser Ziman û Zanyariya Hindistanê, di 1808a de çap bû] de, faraziyên Jones piştrast dike, yanê hebûna têkiliya navbera Sanskrîtî, Latînî, Yewnanî, Farisî û Almanî, ne ku di nav hev de bin lê bi kokek hevpar. Lê, gavek wêdetir diçe û di nav kronolojiyekê de jenealojiya xwe jî tomar dike, (bi şaşî) Sanskrîtî wek ku zimanên din î komê jê hatibin pênase dike.37

Pirtûka Friedrich Schlegel, Franz Bopp jî tê de ku pirtûkê îlham dayê xebata xwe ya derbarê Sanskrîtî ku li Parîsê (1812-6) û Londonê (1816-20) dewam dikir xilas bike, li ser hişmendiya gelek Almanên gênc bû xwedî bandorek şêwazker. Ev du îkametên demkî yên xebatê û pêşketina wî di Sanskrîtî de rê li ber vekir ku bide ser rêyeke ji ya F. Schlegek cudatir û “dûrketina wî ya ji katolîsîzmê” jî ew bêtir ber bi wî alî ve bir.38 Bopp, li Londonê, mirovdewletê Alman Wilhelm von Humboldt nas kir, dersên Sanskrîtî dayê û Humboldt “wê di kariyera Bopp de roleke diyarker bilîsta.”39 Nîqaşên wî yên bi Humboldt re “Bopp rihet jî kir di pirsên wî” yên bo teoriyên Schlegel û “ne tenê tîpolojiya wî ya zimanî lê îtaata zimanzaniyê ji felsefeyê re jî redd kir.” Helwestên Schlegel û Humboldt ji yên wek Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro ne pir cuda bû di awayê ku wan dil dikirin “vegerin çavkaniyên Vahiya resen” û “rewşên taybet di nav çarçoveya hevpar a felsefeyeke gelemperî ya zimên de bi cî bikin”, Bopp “ji çaresekirina pirsa kokên hemû zimanan feragat kir; li ser yek malbatek zimanî hûr bû û boçûna dîrokî daxist kir pêşandana paralel li ser tewereyek (axis) demkî ya parçeyên morfolojîk ku hêmanên nû û yên bênavber ji hev vediqetand.”40

Wek Michel Foucault dest nîşan kiriye, ev pêşketina berçav a “pênaseya nû a sîstemên têkiliya navbera zimanan”, pênaseyek ku “ferz dikir ziman dabeş dibin di nav komên fireh de ku di têkiliya bi yê din re neberdewam e.”41 Dema rêzimana gelemperî an gerdûnî “heta radeyekê berawirdkirin veder dikir ji ber ku […] hemû ziman peywira wan analîz, jihevxistin, bihevxistina temsiliyetan bû, ku, di nav sînorên fireh de, wek hev bûn bo hemû niijada mirovatiyê”, berhemên wek ên Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) û Bopp “berawirdkirina rasterast an rexî (lateral) ya du an zêdetir zimanan” gengaz kirin. Bi vî awayî ye

ku dîrokîbûn ket nav qada zimanan. Bi rastî, bo dîroka zimanan a tê tesewirkirin, pêwîst bû ji berdewamiya fireh a kronolojîk, ku ew bê navber dibir heta jêderka wan, bê veqetandin; lazim bû ji firehiya temsiliyeta hevpar jî, ku ketibûn zevtê, bên rizgarkirin; bi saya vê cotşkestinê, heterojeniya sîstemên curbecur ên rêzimanî bi rêbazên xwe yî taybet, qaideyên di nav her yekê de guherînê ferz dikin, û şiverêyên xetên muhtemel ên geşedanê sabit dikin, peyda bû. […] Verastkirinên nav rêzên kronolojîk divê bihata xirakirin, û hêmanên wan ji nû ve bihata belavkirin, dû re dîrokek nû hat sazkirin, dirokêk ku tenê şiklê lidûhevbûna heyberan û têkiliya wan a di nav demê de rave nedikir, lê şeklê çêbûna wan jî rave dikir. Ampîrîsîtî […] ji niha şûn de ji aliyê Dîrokê ve, di temama kesîfbûna hebûna xwe re, ser re tê derbaskirin. Nîzama demê dest pê dike.42

Ewçax, ev ji şoreşê pê ve ne tiştek bû, û ev şoreş wê ji aliyê xwendekarên Bopp, yek ji yê jîrtirîn August Friedrich Pott bû ku niha em ê bala xwe bidinê, li zanîngeha Berlînê bihata dewamkirin.

August Friedrich Pott

Foucault, encamên boçûna nû ya şoreşger a Bopp dest nîşan dike û dibêje

êdî ziman, ji aliyê asta fêrbûna ku gihiştinê bi şaristanan ve nedihat girêdan […], lê ji aliyê hişmendiya gelên ku ew ziman geş kiriye, […]. Yanê şert û mercên dîrokîbûna zimên bi carekê ve guherî: guherînên wê ji jor ve nayê […], lê bi awayekî ne zelal hebûna xwe ji jêr ve distendin, ji ber vê êdî ziman ne amraz bû ne berhem bû […] lê çalakiyek berdewam bû […]. Di her zimanekî de, axaftvanê ku berdewamî, digel ku hemû hayatîbûna zimên dide jî bi dengekî nayê bihîstin dipeyive, gel e.43

Foucault, wek temsîlkarê vê meylê, qala xebata Grimm a derheqê helbestvanên lîrîk ên serdema navîn dike û îdia dike ku

ziman êdî ne zanebûna tiştan bû lê azadiya mirovan bû […]. Bi pênasekirina qaîdeyên hundirîn yên rêzimên, mirov di heman demê de zimên û îradeya mirov di nav têkiliyek kûr de bi hev girêdide. Seransera sedsala nozdemîn, fîlolojî bandoreke kûr kir li ser siyasetê.44

Ev analîz girîng e, ji ber ku ev dihêle em baştir fam bikin jiyan û rêça kariyera yek ji girîngtirîn xwendekarê Franz Bopp, A. F. Pott.

August Friedrich Pott (1802–87), wek kurê waizekî li nêzîkî Hanoverê hat dinyayê, li zanîngeha Göttingenê filolojî xwend û doktoraya xwe ya bi sernavê Li ser Têkiliyên Daçekan di Zimanan de jî di 17ê Cotmeha 1827a de ji wir wergirt.45 Piştî ku li Götingenê Yewnanî, Latînî û Îbranî xwend, çû zanîngeha Berlînê ku Sanskirîtî bixebite bi Franz Bopp re ji 1827 heta 1833ya. Li wir, di 1ê Gulana 1830î de di bin rektoriya Hegel de mafê dersdayinê bi dest xist “piştî ku dersek peşkêş kir […] li ser ‘Wortbildung der Griechischen und Lateinischen Sprache’ [‘Morfolojîya Zimanên Yewnanî û Latînî’] û ji aliyê Bopp ve derheqê têkiliya zimanên klasîk bi Sanskrîtî re pirs jê hat kirin”.46 Li Berlînê sê salan dersên curbecur da derheqê Latînî, Yewnanî û zimanzaniya berawirdî. Joan Leopold dibêje

Pott li Berlînê demeke gelek dirêj derbas kir […], ku li Almanyaya dema wî de pir derasayî bû. Di vê maweyê de di gelek zimanên Îndo-Ewropî de bû zana […] û taybetî mamosteyê wî Franz Bopp û Wilhelm von Humboldt, ji hemû ferzaneyên zimanzaniya hemdem sûd girt. Wî derfet dît yekem cilda xebata xwe ya sereke Etymologische Forschungen [Lêkolînên Etîmolojîk] jî amade bike, ku bi saya vê 31 Tebaxa 1833ya de li zanîngeha Halle-Wittenbergê profesoriyek mustesna bi dest bixe, him jî li Prusyayê.47

Piştî ku cilda duyem a Lêkolînên Etîmolojîk di 1836a de çap kir, A.F. Pott di 1838a de li Halleyê bû profesorê tam û heta mirina xwe li wir ma.

Li Halleyê, August F. Pott Emil Rödiger nas kir û hevaltiya wan a nêz heta mirina Rödiger dewam kir. Emil Rödiger (1801-74), kurê orgvanekî, li Sangerhausenê hat dinyayê beriya ku li sêwîxaneyekê bê bicîkirin. Di sala 1821ê de hat şandin bo zanîngeha Halleyê ku teolojî bixwîne; 1826a de ji wir doktoraya xwe wergirt. Di 1830î de li zanîngeha Halleyê di zimanên Rojhilatî de bû ekstraordinaryûs û di 1835a de profesoriya tam bi dest xist. Di 1860î de bi heman pozisyona çû zanîngeha Berlînê û piştî demeke kurt bû endamê Akademiya Zanistan.48

Îdiaya Foucault ku di sedsala 19mîn de filolojî xwedî “olanên siyasî” bû, bi kariyera A.F. Pott piştrast dibe. Dema navbera salên 1830 û 1840î de li Halleyê bû, August F. Pott li zanîngehê bi “koma muxalefetê” re di nav têkiliyek xurt de bû; ev kom ji Hegeliyenên Ciwan, profesorên radîkal an lîberteryan wek Rudolf Haym (1821-1901) û Arnold Ruge (1802-80) pêk dihat. Maweya van salan de A.F. Pott girîngtirîn gotarên xwe di Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung (Rojnameya Lîteratura Giştî) û Hallische Jahrbücher (Salnameyên Halleyê) de nivîsand, ku herduyan jî hizra Hegeliyenên Ciwan xwedî dikirin.49 Lê piştî 1840an pir kêm Hegelîyen man li Halleyê. Wek ku J. Leopold dibêje, “ji xeynî Pott, piraniya koma muxalefetê bi awayekî çalak ketin nav xebaten siyasî û bûn karmendên dewletê. Dû re gelek ji Halleyê veqetiyan […]. Pott ma, ku Ruge carekê wek ne alîgirekî dogmatîk ê ti ‘partî’ an rasyonalîzman, pênase kiribû.”50

Pott her tim hîs dikir ku nêrînen wî yên siyasî di warê kariyer û mûçeyê de li ser wî biha rûniştiye, û ihtimal e ku ev nêrîna wî ne dûrî rastiyê bû. Di 1844a de, nehat pejirandin ku bibe serokê pirtûkxaneya zanîngehê, û li gor Leopold, li ber profesorên din î Halleyê, “mûçeyê Pott nêzîkî % 27 ji yên vasatî kêmtir bû di sala 1844-45 û di 1854-55a de % 16 kêmtir bû.” Îlawe dike ku “digel ku gelek caran bû dekanê fakulteya felsefeyê, ti car nebû rektorê zanîngehê ku bi gelemperî profesorên bi qidem wek lûtkeya xizmeta wan a bo zanîngehê dihatin vê pozisyonê. Lê di 1880ê de ji aliyê Qrêl ve bi unwaneke rûmetdar, Geheimer Regierungs-Rat [Şêwirkarê taybet] hat binavkirin.”51

Emil Rödiger, li Halleyê ne endamê “koma muxalef ” bû. Lê hevalê nêzîk ê A.F. Pott bû û herduyan di 1845a de di avakirina Komeleya Rojhilat ya Alman (Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, ji vir wê de DMG) de rolek sereke lîstin. Beriya wê di nav bîst û heft endamên damezrêner ê Komaleya Fîlolog û Perwerdekarên Alman (Verein deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner) de bûn di 1837a de, û bi Heinrich Fleischer (1801-88) û Hermann Brockhaus (1806-77)ê ji Leipzîgê, herdu jî endamên yekem lijneya rêvebirinê ya DMGê bûn, ku “E. Rödiger rêvebiriya giştî ya komeleyê û ragihandinê dabû ser xwe û Pott jî bi pirtûkxane û koleksiyonên din mijûl bû.”52

August Pott ji 1845a heta 1849a pirtûkxanevanê DMGê bû û tevî Emil Rödiger û yên din di çar hejmarên ewil de hev-edîtorê weşana DGMê Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (ZDMG, Kovara Komeleya Rojhilat a Alman) jî bû. Heta hejmara sî û pênca ya di sala 1881ê de jî tevkariya weşanê domand.

Di nav Komaleya Filologên Alman de, Rojhilatnas û zimanzanên berawirdî ji serî de dixwestin komeleya xwe ava bikin. Vê di sala 1837a de rê li ber damezrîna Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (ZKM, Kovara Zanîna Rojhilat) vekir ji aliyê Heinrich Ewald (1803-75) û Christian Lassen (1800-76). Kovar, pêşenga ZDMG ji 1837 heta 1850 heft cild hat weşandin; du hejmarên ewil ji aliyê Heinrich Ewald bixwe, Christian Lassen jî cildên ji 3 heta 7a edît kir. Ew ZKM bû ku di cildên 3 (di 1840î de hat weşandin, rr. 1-63), 4 (1842, rr. 1–42), 5 (1844, pprr. 57–83) û 7emîn de (1850, rr. 91–167) çar beşên rêza “Kurdischen Studien” (“Lêkolînên Kurdî”) tê de hatin weşandin.

Hêjayî gotinê ye ku him ZKM him ZDGM di destpêkê de bi awayekî di bin kontrola Hindnasan de bû, ku di warê rojhilatnasî û zimanzaniya berawirdî ya di nîvê sedsala 19mîn de serdestiya wan a giştî dest nîşan dikir.53 Edîtorîya ZKMê ya ji aliyê Christian Lassen a dema weşandina “Lêkolînên Kurdî” de jî girîng e. C. Lassen xwendekarê A.W. Schlegel bû û, lewma temsîlkarê dibistana Bonnê a lêkolînên Sanskrîtî bû, di heman demê de A.F. Pott jî xwendekarê F. Bopp, pêşengê dibistana Berlînê bû. Herdu dibistan di boçûnên xwe yî di lêkolînên Hindî û Sanskrîtî de ji hev cuda bûn û di vê xalê de têkilîyên wan tengijî bû: Bopp, alîgirê boçûneke hişk a zimanî bû, wî dixwest zimên di nav zimên de û bo zimên fam bike û bala xwe nedida peywenda giştî ya çandî; A.W. Schlegel jî gelekî zêdetir ji fîlolojî û wêjeya klasîk re vekirîbû, modela Alman Altertumwissenschaft an Zanistên Antîkîteyê bû.54

Rabault-Feuerhahn dibêje “ev redkirina riwangeyên zimanî û etîmolojîk wek prensîp kir ku [C. Lassen] ji A.W. Schlegel ê ku xwedî riwangeyeke mîrata ji Zanistên Antîkîteyê bû û hemû enerjîya xwe li ronîkirina bi giştî ya şaristanîya Hindistanê terxan kir, wêdetir biçe” û diyar dike “ev hewes di ZKMê de tê hîskirin.” Îlawe dike ku “ji alîyê rêbazî em bipeyivin, Lassen, qasî hostayê xwe bi tundî li dijî dibistana Bopp bû […]. Lassen hê jî ev ‘dibistana li Berlînê’ di 1841ê de di nameyeke bo Sanskrîtîst Heinrich Ewald re biçûk dikir û meyla wan a ravekirina deqan tenê bi darazên etîmolojî an rêzimên, rexne dikir.”55

Ev hûrgilî me eleqedar dikin, ji ber ku dikarin xizmeta ravekirina rastiyeke ecêb a derheqê rêze gotarên “Lêkolînên Kurdî” de bikin. Nivîskarên rêzê bi awayekî sîstematîk wek E. Rödiger und A.F. Pott tên pêşkêşkirin, digel ku ji 255 rûpelên gotaran, Emil Rödiger tenê 25 rûpel nivîsandine, yanê beşê ewil “Boçûneke Giştî bo Ziman, Istatîstîk û Wêjeya Kurdî”. A.F. Pott jî 230 rûpelên li ser lêkolînên heyî yên li ser Kurdî ku ji beşê 2. ê li ser “Fonetik” û beşê 3. li ser “Dîroka Teb’î ya Kurdî û Zimanên din î Asyaya Rojava”, pêk tên, nivîsandine. Pir muhtemel e ku C. Lassen nexwestiye nivîsên A.F. Pott biweşîne bêyî destpêka giştî ya E. Rödiger a derbarê Kurdan de, ku ev helwest bi rexneya C. Lassen a derheqê boçûna safî zimanî ya dibistana Berlînê re li hev e.

A rast, rêza “Lêkolînên Kurdî” di eslê xwe de encama lêkolînên A.F. Pott in. Di navbera 1840-1850a de, wî bi vî awayî 230 rûpel gotar nivîsandin ku dikarin di serdema modern de wek yekem rêza xebatên zimanî yên bo Kurdî bên pejirandin. Tiştekî ecêb e ku ev xebat di lîteratura vî babetî de herî zêde nehatiye dîtin an li ber çavan neketiye. Ev rêza gotaran dest nîşan dike, ew “olanên siyasî” yên filolojîyê jî ku Foucault binxêz kiribû, li Halleyê tenê bi hevaltiyên A.F. Pott û faaliyetên derveyî peywenda dersan re sînorkirî nemaye: diyar e bandorek wan rasterast hebû di hilbijartina mijarên lêkolînê de. Dema li ser zimanan perwerde dibû û pirtûkxaneyeke xwedî kevneşopa nivîskî wek Yewnanî, Latînî an Sanskirîtî hebû jî, wî bi taybetî gelên ku ji lîteratureke nivîskî ya dewlemend bêpar bûn û, li gor pîvanên wê demê, “nemedenî” (an “gelekî qebe yê çiyayî”, ku em ji J. Adelung neqil bikin) hilbijartiye bo lêkolînên xwe. Ji xwe bo xebatên wî yên li ser zimanê geleki din î vî awayî, Roman, A.F. Pott niha bêhtir tê bibîranîn.56

Boçûna A.F. Pott a bo zimanan ji nivîsê bêtir wek axaftin (“komek hêmanên fonetîk”, neqil ji Foucault57), ku bi giranî deyndarê xebatên Grimm û Bopp bû, derfet da wî ku zimanên piranî devkî jî bipejirîne ku ew jî dikarin ziman bin, û ne tenê zaravayên zimanên li herêmê yên xwedî prestîj û nivîskî.58 Her wiha, di rêza “Lêkolînên Kurdî” de, August Pott û Emil Rödiger yekem kes bûn ku Kurdî wek zaraveyekî Farisî ne lê wek zimanekî serbixwe pêşkêş kirine, her çiqas di nav têkiliyeke nêz bi Farisî re, ku bi têkiliya navbera zaravayên axaftinê yên li Mîlanê û zimanê nivîskî yê li Italyayê dabin ber hev jî.59 A.F. Pott, heta dawiya temenê xwe bi Kurdî re eleqeya wî dewam kir, wek ku ji lîsteya pirtûkên di pirtûkxaneya wî diyar e, ku di nav wan de em rêzimanên Garzoni, Rhea, Justî, pirtûka Lerch, ferhenga Jaba û çendîn gotarên derheqê zimanê Kurdî de dibînin.60

Ilya Berezine û Alexandre Chodzko

Di dema çapkirina wê de jî, rêza gotarên Rödiger û Pott xuya ye zêde belav nebûne. Di 1853ya de, sê sal piştî çapbûna gotara dawî ya vê rêzê de, Ilya Berezine (1818-96), beşek derheqê zaravayên Kurdî de li rêza xwe Lêkolînên li ser Zaravayên Farisî (Recherche sur les dialectes persans) zêde kir, ji du gotaran pêk dihat her yek 15 rûpel, a yekem li ser Kurdîya Kurmancî ya li Xorasanê tê axaftin û a duyem, bi giştî li ser Kurdîya Kurmancî bû. Lê, xuya ye I. Berezine haya wî ji “Lêkolînên Kurdî” ya Pott û Rödiger tunebû, ji ber ku qala wan nekiriye û hê jî Kurdî wek zaraveyekî Farisî qebûl dike.

Berezine, piştî ku li Permê perwerdeya gimnazyumê xilas kir, di 1834a de çû Zanîngeha Kazanê Fakulteya Rojhilat, ku li wê derê bi Erebnas F. Erdmann û Tirknas û Îranînas A.K. Kazem-Beg re xebitî. Piştî ku di 1841ê de mastera xwe xilas kir, hat şandin bo sefereke akademik (1842-5) bo Transqafqasya, Îran, Mezopotamya, Surîye, Misir, Konstantînya û Qirimê.61 Di vê seferê de malzemeyên ku wî da hev bûn hîmê du cildê Lêkolînên li ser Zaravayên Mislimanan (Recherches sur les dialectes musulmans) ku bo “zarava”yên Tirkî (di 1848a de hatibû çapkirin) û Farisî hatibûn veqetandin. Di 1846a de, li Kazanê bû doçentê Tirkî û 1854a de jî bû profesor beriya ku di 1855a de, tevî Fakulteya Rojhilat a Zaningeha Kazanê bar bike St. Petersburgê. Wek oryantalîstekî kariyera wî nispeten weset be jî bi awayekî rûmetdar dewam kir lê careke din li ser Kurdî nenivîsand.

Piştî çend sal şûn de di 1857a de, oryantalîstê esil-polonî Alexandro Chodźko (1804-91), xwendekarê kevn î fakulteya Rojhilat li St. Petersburgê (1824-30), wergêr û konsolosê Rusyayê li Îranê (1830-41), berhema xwe Lêkolînên Fîlolojîk li ser Kurdî (“Études philologiques de la langue Kurde”) di Journal Asiatique de çap kir.62 Ji rêza “Xebatên Kurdî” û berhema I. Berezine haydar bû lê ji angaşta A. Pott a derbarê Kurdî de qanih nebûbû.63 Ew nêrîna xwe dide û dibêje Kurdî “ji du hêmanên cuda pêk tê: 1) rêzimana wê hema wek a Farisîya modern e, û pêyvên zimên ji sê yek ji Farisan an ji Tirkan an ji Ereban hatiye deynkirin […]; 2) peyvên dawiya mayî ji sê du aidî zimanekî ji Îslamiyetê, Tirkî û Farisiya modern kevntir in ku nayê zanîn çi ziman e: ev zimanê Kurdî bixwe ye, û pêkan e ev ziman bibe ku pê nivîsên mîxî yên Nînova, Xorsabad, hwd. hatibin nivîsandin.”64 Wek em dibînin, ev nêrîn, wek ên Berezine, hê jî bermayîya nêrînên derbarê Kurdî de yên destpêka sedsala 19mîn e.65

Xebata A. Chodźko bi giranî bi saya alîkariya Ehmed Xan, rêvebirê Kurdên Baban ên Silêmaniyê, ku di 1853-4a de li Parîsê dima, pêk hatiye.66 Bedena gotarê ji iskeletekî rêzimanî pêk tê, di pey re şêwaza hevokan (47-59) û behsek kurt a helbestê (59f) ku du çarînên Baba Tahir Uryan dihewîne; nivîskar van “ji Kurdî bêtir Farisî dibîne”,67 pişt re lê zêde dike ku wî “qet helbestên Dabel [Ehmedê Xanî] nedîtine; lê ger wî ji hemşeriyê xwe Baba Tahir Uryan bêtir heqê zimanê xwe nedabe, divê em li Kurdistanê, di nav şivan û cotkarên vî welatî li wê [helbesta Kurdî] bigerin.”68

Xebata A. Chodźko berbiçav e, ji ber feraseta ku rê vekiriye li ber geşedaneke sereke ku di beşê din î sedsala 19mîn de pêk hat, ew, li Rusyayê geşbûna xebatên Kurdî ye. Di 1857a de Chodźko diyar dike ku

di çend salên dawî de, oryantalîstên Rus bi wêjeya Kurdî re, ji gelek ciyên li Ewropayê bêtir, bi hewes mijûl dibin. Jixwe mînakên Kurdî ku ji aliyê birêz Berezine di weşana wî ya balkêş de hatine dayin, em dizanin. Waqayinameya Târîx Akrâd a Şeref Xan [Şerefnameya Şeref Xan] hatiye çapkirin, û wergereke Kurdî ya Gulistana Sadî tê amadekirin di bin serpereştiya profesorekî zana Von Dorn de. Xwendekarê wî, birêz Lerch wê demeke kurt de bîst û pênc îlahî û çend mînakên din ji zaravayên Kurdistanê yên curbecur, ku di maweya çend hefteyên dema şerê li Rojhilat bi girtîyên Kurd re dane hev.69

A.Chodźko dikaribû navê Auguste Jaba jî li vê lîsteyê zêde bikira, ji ber ku konsolosê Rûs ê Erziromê wê demê bi Mela Mehmûdê Bazidî re dixebite da ku li ser dîrok, ziman û adetên Kurda keresteyan derxînin holê. Bi rastî, di heman sala çapbûna versiyona Almanî ya Lêkolînên li ser Kurd û Keldaniyên Bakûr ên Îranî ya Peter Lerch, metna Farisî ya Şerefnameyê ji aliyê Vladimir Veliaminov-Zernov (di 1860–2ya de çap bû) hat çapkirin, ku ev di dîroka xebatên Kurdî de werçerxek bû: destpêka serdestiya Rûsan a bênîqaş di vê qadê de ku veguherî ser xebatên Kurdî yên modern. Di salên dû re, monografiyên derbarê Kurda de bi taybetî li St. Petersburgê çap dibû, ev meyl heta di sedsala 20mîn de jî demeke dirêj neguherî.

Lezkirin

Li dor nîvê salên 1950yan bû ku li Rûsyayê navenda xebatên Oriental peyda bû. Heta nîvê sedsala 19mîn, li vî welatî xebatên Oriental bêtir li dor Zanîngeha Kazanê bû, her çiqas kursiyên Farisî û Erebî ji 1818a ve li St. Petersburgê çalak bû û li Kharkovê jî kursiyek wêjeyên Oriental hebû jî. Lê, “Serdestiya Kazanê bi carekê ve dawî lê hat di 1854a de, dema Nîkolas I (1825-navbera 55a de Çar bû) ferman da piraniya fakulte, xwendekar û pirtûkxaneya wê bê veguheztin bo Zanîngeha St. Petersburgê, ku Fakulteya wê ya nû ya Zimanên Oriental wê hemû perwerdeya zimanên Rojhilat li xwe bicivanda.”70 Her wiha, “[Fakulteya Zimanên Oriental] a Zanîngeha St. Petersburgê di fermiyetê de 27ê Tebaxa 1855a de vebû. […] Fakulteya nû di pênc beşan de bi çardeh dersdaran îftixar dikir. […]”71

Di nav geşedaneke eleqedar de, du bûyerên navneteweyî jî, li Ewropayê wek destpêkek navenda lêkolînên Oriental, tevkarîya xurtbûna pozisyona Rûsyayê kirin. Bûyera ewil, qeyrana zanîngehê ya li Almanyayê ji nîvê salên 1850yan bû, yanê geşedana xebatên Oriental li wir du dehsalan hat rewastandin.72 A duyem, lawazbûna berdewam a Împeratoriya Osmanî ya berdewam bû di nîvê duyem ê sedsala nozdemîn de, heta piştî serkeftina dijwar a li hemberî Rûsyayê di şerê Qirimê de (1853-6) jî. Berjewendiyên Rûsyayê yên di Împeratoriya Osmanî de bû hêza ajoker a li paş arezûya ji nişka ve bo xebatên li ser gelên wek Kurd û Ermenan. Ew rewş baştirîn di nirxandineke derbarê Lêkolînên Peter Lerch di Journal des savants a Gulana 1858a de tê pênasekirin, ku tê diyarkirin “di vê rewşê de, Rûsya mecbûr e hêzekê bide çendîn beşên xebatên Oriental: ger ziman û wêjeyên Asyayê ku tenê ew dikare bixebite, bi me bide naskirin, ev nikare zêdetir bibe layiqî pesnê zanyarên li Ewropayê.”73

Dema ev nirxandin çap bû, ev hêza nû bûbû du sal ku çalak bû, ji 1856a ve dema şer bi dawî bû û êdî berhemên xwe dida. Mirovê li pişt rehenda akademîk a vê projeyê orientalîstê Alman Bernhard Dorn bû. Johannes Albrecht Bernhard Dorn (1805–81), di 1825a de ji Leipzigê derçûbû û ji 1829a vir de (ewil li Kharkovê, dû re li St. Petersburgê) dersên Rûsî dida û ji 1842a vir de jî rêvebirê Muzeya Asyayî û serokê beşa Oriental a pirtûkxaneya Imperîal a gel bû. Dorn, bi taybetî bi zimanê Paşto û Paştûyan re eleqedar dibû –digel ku qet neçûye Afxanîstanê– û wî ji Auguste Jaba (1801-94), konsolosê Rûs li Erziromê yê esil-polonî û şagirtê Orientalîst, xwest keresteyên derbarê Kurda bide hev.74 Tevkariya berhemdar a Mela Mehmûdê Bazidî re ku dû re dest pê kir, baş tê zanîn.75 Tevî çapkirin û wergera Şerefnameyê di 1860 û 1870yan de, lûtkeya teqez a êwra Rûsî ya lêkolînên Kurdî di sedsala 19mîn de bêguman çapkirina keresteyên Jaba bû ku di nav wan de Ferhenga Kurdî-Frensî (Dictionnaire Kurde-français, 1879) ya ji aliyê F. Justi edîtkirî, hebû. Li gor wê demê berhemeke bêhempa bû, pênaseyên ferhengê “têra xwe bêkêmasî û pêewle ne” li gor Michael Chyet.76 Îro, Auguste Jaba bi gelemperi wek lêkolînerekî mezin ê zimanê û folklora Kurdî tê pejirandin û di nav rêza Xwedê giravî “Orientalist”an de tê jimartin. Lê, dikare bê nîqaşkirin ku di dema wî de, ew ne aidî van herdu kategoriyan jî bû, ez ê hewl bidim dest nîşan bikim.

Auguste Jaba

Marchand ê ku, li ser rêbaza “analîza rabêjê” ya awayê tatbîkkirina li ser xebatên orientalîzmê ji aliyê Edward Said û yên din, serê xwe diêşîne, dibêje

ev rêbaz bi taybetî bi xeter e, ji ber ku pênaseyeke nasnameyê jê derdikeve ku di navbera ‘Ewropa’ û ‘Rojhilat’ de cudatiyek esasî, cot girîman dike. […] Helbet, kêmtirîn hin Ewropî xwe bi hin amrazên din î cudakirinê pênase dikin […] Hin kes li ser sînorên Swêd, Estonya an Hirvatistanê dijîn û xwe bêtir wek “şerqî” dibînin –û bawer dikin ‘êdin’ê axirîn li Romayê, St. Petersburgê an Wienayê rûdine ne li Stenbolê, Qahîre an Delhîyê.77

Bawer im destpêkek baş e bo jiyan û karîyera A. Jaba. Auguste Jaba (1801-94) Polonî bû, sala 1801ê de li Vilniusê (niha paytextê Litvanyayê) hatiye dinyayê. Di 1824a de wek wergêr ketiye Wezareta Karê Derve yê Rûsyayê, li St. Petersburgê zimanên Rojhilatî xwendine (1825-8) beriya ku li welatê Osmanî çendîn peywiran temam bike. Di 1838a de li Izmîrê konsolosiya Rûsyayê de dibe karmendekî payebilind û 1848a de, dibe konsolosê Erziromê. Piştî ku ji serî heta dawî di şerê Qirimê de cî girt (1853-6), vegeriya ser karê xwe yî wek konsolosê Erziromê.78 Wê çaxê ye ku Bernhard Dornê wê demê serokê Muzeya Asyayî ye, jê dixwaze, di ber peywirên xwe yî dîplômatîk re, malzemeyên Kurdî bide hev.

Wek ku Suzanne Marchand diyar kiribû, “ev demeke dirêj bû, ên kolanê dikin û malzemeyan didin hev [bo Jaba, destxet] ji wan re nedihat gotin lêkolînerên ‘rastîn’ –lêkolînerên rastîn ew bûn ku […] li mal rûdiniştin û malzeme şîrove dikirin.”79 Xuya ye ev bo A. Jaba rast bûye.80 Her wiha, di jêrenota ewil a bo “Strana Kurdî” (“Ballade Kurde”) ku di hejmara Tebax-Îlona 1859a ya Journal asiatique de, Jules Mohl (1800-76), edîtorê kovarê, diyar dike:

Ev stran bi awayekî pir nebaş hat ber destê min. Ez qutkirina xêzikan pir bi guman dibînim; xwendina deqê pir zehmet e, tîpguheztin gelek caran şaş e; lê babeteke balkêş e, min nexwest xwîner jê kêm bimînin […].81

Wek strana Kurdî, A. Jaba ti car berhemên xwe bo weşanê edît nekiriye ji ber ku Akademiya Imperiyal a Zanistan a li St. Petersburgê her tim ev kar dispartin kesên ku bi rastî jî pîsporên akademîk ên Kurdan bûn. Lewma, deqên Berheva Çîrokên Kurdî û Nîşe (Recueil de notices et de récits kourdes, di 1860î de çap bû) pêk anîne ji aliyê lijneyeke çar-kesê (B. Dorn,V. Veliaminov-Zernov, O. Bohtlingk û E. Wiedemann) ku Peter Lerchê li ser edîsyona pirtûkê dixebitî û sernav lê kiriye, pêşniyaz kirine, hatine hilbijartin.82 Dema 20 sal şûn de ferhenga Jaba hat çapkirin (Dictionnaire Kurde-français, 1879), ji destpêkê heta dawîyê ji alîyê Îranîstê naskirî Ferdinand Justi yê salek din berhema xwe Rêzimana Kurdî (Kurdische Grammatik, 1880) çap kir, hat edîtkirin.

Rewşa A. Jaba qet ne îstisna bû. Diplomat û wergêrên di xizmeta Fransa, Rûsya an hêzên din de li “Şerqê” dixebitîn ji navendên serekî yên oryantalîzma akademîk a li Ewropayê îzole bûn, û ev nakokiya esasî carna dikaribû “bi awayekî zanebûn û bi êş bihata hîskirin”. M. Espagne û P. Rabault-Feuerhahn dema li ser nameyên Silvestre de Sacy ên di destpêka sedsala 19mîn de bi wergêr û rêberên li Stenbolê re nîqaş dikin, dibêjin “nameyên ji Stenbolê tên nostaljiyek birra îfşa dikin bo [xebatên orientalizmê yên li Parîsê tên kirin], haya wan jî baş jê heye ku ew jî di bingeha zanîna Şerqê de ne.”83

Dema mirov nameyên Jaba ji Justi re dixwîne, derbarê vê hesta rast a “nostaljiyê” de ku carna diçe heta melankoliyê fikrek çêdibe.84 Bi rastî, ev halê ku mirovên wek Jaba her tim şaxên alîkariya ji derve bûn, piştgiriya saziyên akademîk û kesên wek akademîkên “heqîqî” dihatin qebûlkirin, dikirin. Auguste Jaba, bi taybetî ji ber fikra ku wê nikaribe beşa duyem a ferhenga xwe çap bike, ev beşa Fransî-Kurdî bû, pir aciz bû. Akademiya Imperiyal nedixwest çap bike û A. Jaba li ferhenga xwe heyirî bû, xuya ye salên xwe yî derbasbûyî hewante derbas kiribû bo çapkirina vê ferhengê –heta îro jî nehatiye çapkirin. Heta radeyekê, fikirîye li Tiflîsê çap bike, ku “çendîn pirtûkên Tirkî lê çap bûbûn.”85

Jaba çiqas ji orientalîstên li Ewropayê sar bû, li Erziromê jî ewqas nêzî tevkarê xwe yî sereke melayê Kurd Mehmûdê Bazidî bû, qasî ku nivîsîna jiyannameya wî ji xwe re bike proje. Xuya ye A. Jaba bi eleqayek mezin bi Kurdan mijûl bûye, ji karekî besît ê kariyera akademîk wêdetir çûye. Hewlên wî yên bêwestan bo çapkirina ferhenga xwe, di temenê heştê salî de jî, nîşaneya vê ne. Diyar dike, wî ji Parîs an St. Petersburgê bêtir xwe aidî Şerqê didît. Piştî ku di 1866a de malnişîn bû, venegeriya Rûsyayê, teva hevjîna xwe ya duyem, Hélène Giraud (1821–96), li Izmîrê jiya, di nav civata Latîn a li bajêr ku wek wî di navbera “Ewropî” û “Şerqî” de bûn.

Ferdinand Justi

Bo lêkolînerên heqîqî yên wek Justi, her tişt bêtir cuda bû. Ferdinand Justi (1837-197) ku ji “malbatek kevn a teolog, keşiş û akademisyenan” bû, li Marburgê di 1856a de dest bi xebatên xwe yî zimanzanî û xebatên Oriental kir, salek jî li Göttingenê derbas kir.86 Ji mamosteyên wî, em dikarin qala Heinrich Ewald û Hîndo-Ewropanîst Theodor Benfey bikin, ku Justi “rêbaza wî ya fîlolojiyê ya bêkêmasî” deyndarî wan bû.87 F. Justi di 1861 li Marburgê derçû û mafê dersdayinê wergirt, bi teza xwe ya doktorayê ya derbarê çêbûna navdêrên hevûdudanî di zimanên Hîndo-Ewropî de. Di 1865a de, wek profesorê îstisnaî yê rêzimana berawirdî û fîlolojiya Almanî hat tayînkirin û di 1869a de bû profesorê tam. F. Justi, endamê Akademiya Zanistan a Prûsya û Gottingenê, di sala 1887-8a de bû Rektorê Zanîngeha Marburgê.88

Justi, dema ferhenga Jaba edît kir û dû re rêzimana xwe çap kir, jixwe akademisyenekî cîyê xwe girtî bû di navenda nûava ya di qada lêkolînên Iranî de, ku di salên 1870 û 1880an de ji Lêkolînên Oriental a berfirehbûyî wek lêkolînen Îranî û Semîtîk şax dabû û ava bûbû. Piştî bîst salên tevlîhevîyê, şerê 1870-1 kir ku hejmara xwendekaran zêde bibe û bo zanîngehên Almanyayê serdemeke nû a berfirehbûnê dest pê bike. Wek Ursula Wokoeck pênase dike, “bo disîplîna filolojiya Oriental, berdewamîya pêvajoya bisazîbûna cudabûna navbera zimanên Semîtîk, Sanskrît û zimanzaniyên berawirdî hewce dikir. […]”89 Ev cudabûna sazûmanî a di navbera xebatên Hindî û Îranî li alîyekî, û xebatên Semîtîk li alîyekî, dihat wê wateyê ku, bo cara yekem, kursiyên cuda bo van babetan hat vekirin li gelek zanîngehan.90

Ev bi temamî berovajî ya serdema berê ye ku tenê yek lêkolîner qadeke pir fireh a ziman û herêman dida ber xwe. Marchand, li ser vê yekê du orientalîstên Alman ên dewra 1820-1860, Heinrich Fleischer û Heinrich Ewald mînak dide. “Ewald”, dibêje “tenê ne Îbraniya klasîk […] û Erebî lê Sanskrîtî, Farisî, Kiptî, Tirkî û Ermenkî jê fêr dikir. Fleischer […] di nirxandina Ahîda Kevn, wêjeya Erebî, Fiqih, Asûrolojî, zimanên Etyopyayê, Hîndolojî û dîroka antîk de xebatên xwendekarên doktorayê bi rê ve dikir.” Bi awayekî heq digihêje vê encamê ku “di van şertan de zehmet e mirov îdia bike ji qadên van orientalîstan yek ji wan bi temamî ‘zanistî’ be.’”91

Lê, ji 1880 şûn de tişt guherîn. Her çiqas sînorê qadên nû bêtir xumamî mabin jî, kesek Îranîst bû an Semîtîst bû. Ewçax, em muhakemeya Marchand serobin bikin, em dikarin bêjin heta vê tarîxê, xebatên Îranî li Almanya zanistî bû? Dema mirov li xebatên gelekî kompleks dinêre, teqez êdî ne gengaz bû bo lêkolînerekî, di gelek ziman û herêmên cuda de, bigihêje vê pileya pîsporiyê. Ev pîsporiya zêdebûyî li zimanê Kurdî jî hat tetbîkkirin, rêzimana Kurdî ya F. Justi ji aliyê Mînorsky wisa tê dîtin tevî gotara rêzimanê ya A. Socin ku tekane rêzimana Kurdî ya zanistî bû heta wî di Encyclopædia of Islam de gotara xwe “Kurds” nivîsand sala 1927a de.92

Dawiya salên 1880an de bû ku Akademîya Zanistan a Imperiyal li Petersburgê dest bi weşana berhemên zimanî yên derbarê Kurdî de kirin, geşedanek ku rola F. Justi tê de pir mezin bû. Wek me dît, ew wê çaxê jixwe di xebatên Îranî de lêkolînerekî berbiçav bû ku hêjatirîn berhemên wî pirtûkçeyek zimanê Zend (1864), edîsyona Bundahişn (1868) û xebatek li ser onomastîka Îranî (1895) bûn.93 Li gor xebatên li hev hatine civandin, F. Justi piranî bi xebata xwe li ser zimanên Îranî yên kevn tê bibîranîn. Lê, zimanê Kurdî babetek din a lêkolînê bû û beriya Ferhenga Jaba (1879) û Kurdische Grammatik (1880) a wî bixwe, wî li ser Kurdî çendîn gotar çap kiribûn di 1870yan de.94

Him ferhenga Jaba him rêzimana Justi ji aliyê Akademiya Zanistan a Imperiyal li St. Petersburgê hatin çapkirin û ji hemû monografên Justi, tenê rêzimana wî ya Kurdî li wir, yanê li derveyî Almanyayê çap bûye. Ev tê wê wateyê ku berevajî berhemên derheqê babetên Îranî, xebatên li ser Kurda di 1880yan de li St. Petersburgê cîyê xwe girtibûn. Elbet, tam dawiya vê dehsaleyê de berheva Albert Socin a Çîrokên Kurdî wê bihata çapkirin.

Albert Socin

Ferdinand Justi ne tekane Îranîst bû ku li ser Kurda berhem hildiberand, ku gotarên Îranîstên din î wek Albert Houtum-Schindler (du lîsteyên peyvan di 1884 û 1888a de) û Clément Huart (1895) du mînak in. Bo gelek pîsporên di zimanên Îranî de heta îro, dersên zimanê Kurdî bûye berdewama qada wan a lêkolînê. Lê, ji aliyekî din û zêde ne hêvîkirî yên xwe nêzî xebatên li ser Kurdan dikirin, pîsporên ziman û gelên Semîtîk û, bi taybetî yên Suryankî bûn. Îranîst bêtir têkilîya wan a bi xebatên Kurdî re di ser ziman re bû, lê bo lêkolînerên Suryankî ev têkilî erdnigarî û bi qada xebatê re girêdayî bû. Di 1868a de, rêzimana Theodor Nöldeke ya zaravayê Suryankî ya li Urmiyeyê tê axaftin vê têkiliyê îma dike bi sernavê xwe, Rêzimana Zimanê Suryankîya Nû ya li Deryaçeya Urmiyeyê û Kurdistanê tê Axaftin (Grammatik der neusyrischen Sprache am Urmia-See und in Kurdistan).95

Du xwendekarên Nöldeke, Eugen Prym (1843-1913) û Albert Socin (1844-99) dan ser şopa wî. Hema piştî derçûna wan a 1867a de ji Bonn û Halleyê, xwestin biçin Rojhilata Navîn û keresteyên li ser Suryankîya hemdem bidin hev. Wek A.F. Pottê beriya wan, ew jî ji fikrên J. Grimm ên ser zimên pir bandor girtibûn. Di vê gotara wî de bo sefer û berhema wan a berhevkirinê, Michel Tardieu dibêje

ji ber bandora rêzimana Nöldeke çûn împeratoriya Osmanî lê […] ji bo ji wê birevin jî. Armanca wan, Aramîya zindî bibihîzin û bibin şahidên wê. Taybetiya sereke ya lekolîna wan, dema bi orientalîzma akademik a dibistana Nöldeke re bide ber hev, ew bi paşxaneyeke civakî ya ne-dînî û ne-Rojavayî re xebitîbûn, bi saya […] û agaderkerekî tek û şikildayina kolektîf a “deq”ekê.96

Ev agaderker, zilamekî Suryanî bi navê Cano bû, yekî ji Tûr Abdîna Midyadê bû û yekem car li Şamê hev nas kiribûn, ji meha Sibatê heta Kanûna 1869a bi hev re mabûn. A. Socin, dema ji gava ku E. Pyrm çûbû Almanyayê wî tenê rêwîtî dikir, di Payiza 1870ê de careke din rastî wî hat.97 Ji xebata qadê, E Prym û A. Socin, ku Michel Tardieu ew wek “birayên Grimm ên Şerqê”98 bi nav dike, cildek çîrokên Suryanî çap kirin (1881) û cildek jî çîrokên Kurdî, Kurdische Sammlungen, li Petersburgê navbera 1887-90î de çap kirin. Riwangeya folklorîstîk a Prym û Socin, daxwaza xebata bi agaderkerekî nexwende re, herdu jî olana banga A. Chodźko ya di Lêkolînên Fîlolojîk de bû û bo meylên folklorîstîk ên li ser xebatên pêşerojê yên derbarê Kurdan de ên li Rusyaya Sovyet jî bû modelek.99

Ber bi dawiya sedsala 19mîn ve, em dibînin nêzîkbûnek heye ber bi xebatên derbarê Kurda de ji aliyê kesên cuda yên bi paşxaneyên cuda û rêgehên cuda. Ev rewş, elbet asayî ye bo qadeke nûava, ku hê ne xwedî bernameyek sazûmanî ya fermî ye ne xwedî perwerde an rêça kariyerê ye. Hin caran, kiriye ku qadên hê nû cudabûyî yên xebatên Semîtîk û Îranî li hev biqelibin, wek ku em di nivîsara Albert Socin a bo Çarçoveya Fîlolojîya Îranî (Grundriss der iranischen Philologie) de, “Zimanê Kurda” (“Die Sprache der Kurden”, 1898–1901), dibînin; ku pirtûka Çarçove jî di xebatên Îranî de di destpêka sedsala bîstemîn de werçerxek bû. Bi saya xebata wî ya li ser Kurda, bi perwerde û karîyera xwe Semîtîstekî dikaribû nivîskariya beşekî monografiyekê bikira ku bi taybetî bo zimanên Îranî hatibû terxankirin.

Encam

Li ber ronahiya agahiyên me dîtin, em dikarin çawa pênase bikin dîroka xebatên Kurdî yên ji dawiya sedsala 18mîn heta destpêka sedsala 20mîn? Heta niha, ev dîrok piranî bizatîhî bixwe hatiye xebitandin, geşedanên derveyî wê pir kêm hatine qalkirin. Ev vegotinên bêpeywendkirî baweriyekê çêdikin ku xebatên Kurdî li ser rêyek tekane geş bûne. Bêyî ku wêrarbûnên di mekana civakî ya global de çêbûne û bandorên wan ên di qadên cuda yên qadên zanistî û disiplînan de bê qalkirin, berhemên xebatên Kurdî wê neyên famkirin, ji ber ku motîvasyon û riwangeyê nivîskarên wan neravekirî dimînin.100

Lê, dema em dikin nav peywendekî, em dibînin xebatên Kurdî wêrarên di zanistên mirovî û civakî de ji nêzîk ve şopandine. Bi awayekî taybet, modeleke bikêr bo xebatên Kurdî di nav geşbûna xebatên Sanskirîtî yên li Almanyayê tê dîtin, ku di 1820a de rê li ber pêşdeçûna zimanên berawirdî vekir û dû re jî boçûneke alternatîf a li ser hîmê fîlolojîya klasîk a Altertumswissenschaft xurt kir. Ev riwangeya fîlolojîk kir ku li ser dîrok û civakê tev de hûr bibin, û bandora vê di berhemên wek wergera F.B. Charmony a Şerefnameya Şeref Xan de dikare bê dîtin. Di vê maweyê de, berhevkirinên mezin ên daneyên zimanî yên di dawiya sedsala hîjdemîn de hatin komkirin ji aliyê boçûneke nû ya zimanên berawirdî hatin belavkirin. Bi komkirina zimanan di sîstemîn girtî yê merivtiyê de, neberdewamî dianî nav cîhana çeşitdariya zimanî û dîrokîbûn nû dikir. A din, ziman ji halê nivîskî bêtir halê devkî girîng didît û “gel” dixist navenda eleqeya xwe.

Ev meyla ku hê di destpêka sedsala nozdemîn de, di xebatên wek gotara Jacob Grimm a li ser helbestvanên lîrîk de derdiket pêş, di nav vê sedsalê de pêş de çû û kir ku gelên îhmalkirî yên wek Kurd, Roman û yên din, tevî Yewnan û Romayîyan li ser bên xebitîn, qet nebe di warê bi zimên eleqedar be. Meyla kevn hat berovajîkirin û di nîvê sedsala nozdemîn ve şûn de, bêbawerîyek çebû li hemberî bikaranîna berhemên nivîskî de bo lêkolîna zimanan. Ev, di berhemên A. Chodźko û A. Socin ên li ser Kurdî de, ku bawer dikirin di kevneşopa Kurdan a nivîskî de pir zêde peyvên biyanî hebûn û halê “resen” î zimên temsîl nedikir. Vê kir, efsaneyek derbarê Kurda de peyda bibe ku wêjeya wan di eslê xwe de devkî ye û bandoreke berevajî çêkir li ser xebatên wêjeya Kurdî ya nivîskî.

Ev meyl, ku M. Leezenberg wek “folklorîzekirina Kurda” bi nav dike, taybetmendiyeke sereke ya berhemên derbarê Kurda de ye ku ji aliyê Akademiya Zanistan a Imperiyal li St. Petersburgê çap bûne. Vê sedsala 20mîn de jî dewam kir û heta îro jî hatîye. Lê, peywendîkirin destûr dide em fam bikin ka çima kesên wek Chodźko û Socin ew tişt nivîsandine û dike ku em derbarê berhemên wan de û fikrên wan îfade kirine, bibin xwedî nêrîneke rexneyî. Dîroka xebatên Kurdî, di vir de bi pratîka hemdem a vê qadê li hev diqelibin. A rast, em çiqas ji nêzîk ve li van berhemên ewil binêrin, em ê bikaribin wan bêtir bi zanebûn bixwînin û ev jî wê alîkariya me bike em meylên wan î sereke bibînin û lêkolînên xwe bi awayekî bêtir bi hevsengî bimeşînin.

1 Lepenies, Wolf û Weingart, Peter. “Introduction”, xv. Di nav Functions and Uses of Disciplinary Histories, brv. L. Graham û W. Lepenies û P. Weingart, ix–xx. Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1983.

2 Minorsky, Vladimir. “Le plus ancien texte en Kurde”, 8f. Bulletin mensuel du Centre d‘études Kurdes 10 (1950), 8ff.; Nikitine, Basile. Les Kurdes. Étude sociologique et historique, 294. Parîs: Imprimerie nationale, 1956; Bois, Thomas. “Les Dominicains à l‘avant-garde de la Kurdologie”, 174. Archivum fratrum predicatorum 35 (1965): 265–92; Alakom, Rohat. Kürdoloji biliminin 200 yıllık geçmişi, 10. Istanbul: Deng, 1991.

3 Di vegotên bêtir rengîn de, sîlsileya “Kurdolog”an dikare heta çendîn şexsiyeten dîrokî jî bihewîne, wek Ksenofon, Herodot, Marko Polo an Îskenderê Mezin. Bnr. Pîrbal, Ferhad. The Emergence of Kurdology. The Kurdish Globe 8/8/2007 (1997), http://www.Kurdishglobe.net/article/DDF08CE3A95370ABF3185484BDE66B38/The-emergence-of-Kurdology. html. Tarîxa xwendinê: 22/4/2015.

4 Leezenberg, Michel. “Soviet Kurdology and Kurdish Orientalism”, 89f. Di nav The Heritage of Soviet Oriental Studies, brv. M. Kemper û S. Conermann, 86–102. Oxon: Routledge, 2011.

5 Lepenies and Weingart, “Introduction”, x.

6 Rabault-Feuerhahn, Pascale. L’Archive des origines. Sanskrit, philologie, anthropologie dans l‘Allemagne du XIXe siècle, 68. Parîs: Le Cerf, 2008.

7 Marchand, Suzanne. German Orientalism in the Age of Empire. Religion, Race and Scholarship, 15. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

8 H.b., 18.

9 Moon, David. “The Russian Academy of Sciences Expeditions to the Steppes in the Late Eighteenth Century”, 211. The Slavonic and East European Review 88, 1/2 (2010): 204–36.

10 H.b., 211f.

11 Güldenstädt, Johann Anton. Reisen durch Russland und im Caucasischen geburge, herausgegeben von P.S. Pallas, c. 2, 496–552. St. Petersburg: Akademiya Împaratorî ya Zanistan, 1787-91.

12 H.b., c. 2, 545–52. Di heman demê de, Tatar, ji bo rêvebirên Mongolî yên Îlxanî yên Îranê (1260-1335) jî dihat gotin û Tirkmen bi awayekî sade “koçerên Misilman” dest nîşan dikir. Lê, mînakên zimanê Tatarî ku hatine berhevkirin, bi rastî jî, mînakên Tatarî, zimanê Turkîk e.

13 Wek mînak, “shinamin” (jina min), “meremin” (mêrê min); “kuramin” (kurê min), hwd.

14 Her çiqas P.S. Pallas qala çavkaniya xwe ya bo Kurda neke jî, derdikeve holê ku bi temamî ji nîşeyên seyahnameya Güldenstädt hatine girtin. Wek mînak, peyva 5mîn a bo “kur”, bo peyva Kurdî “kuramin” a Güldenstädt jî nîşan dide. Pallas, Peter Simon. Linguarum totius orbis vocabularia comparativa, 14. St. Petersburg: Johannis Caroli Schnoor, 1786–9.

15 Li vir, “Tatarê Moxolî” xuya ye Farisî wek zimanekî ku dema Îlxanîyan de (bnr. li jor, nîşe 12) dihat axaftin, tê qalkirin. Lê, em li pênaseya nivîskar binêrin, bêtir ihtimal heye wî qala Farisiya Navîn dikir, zimanê dewra Sasanîyan de dihat axaftin. Hervás y Panduro, Lorenzo. Catalogo delle lingue conosciute, 124. Cesena: Gregorio Biasini, 1784.

16 H.b. li Sûriyeyê hebûna Kurdên Tirkîaxêv, xanedanên Kurd ên hukimdar ku li Sûriyeya Osmanî bi cî bûne dest nîşan dike, ku Tirkiya Osmanî zimanê wan î rêvebirinê bû, ev bo mîrekiyên Kurd ên di bin darê Osmanî de jî wisa bû. Wek mînak bnr. beşa Seyahnameya Evliya Çelebî ya bo gera wî ya li Bidlîsê hatiye terxankirin, bo delîlên bikaranîna Tirkî wek zimanê qesrê ya mîrekiyê di nîvê sedsala 17mîn de. Çelebi, Evliya. Evliya Çelebi in Bitlis: The Relevant Section of the Seyahatname. Edisyon û werger, Robert Dankoff. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990.

17 Hervás y Panduro, Lorenzo. Origine, formazione, meccanismo ed’armonia dell’idiomi, 96f. Cesena: Gregorio Biasini, 1785.

18 Hervás y Panduro, Lorenzo. Vocabolario poligloto, Saggio pratico delle lingue. Estudio introductorioy edición facsímil, Manuel Breva-Claramonte, Ramón Sarmiento, 115f. Madrid: Sociedad general española de librería, 1992. Dîsa, li vir “Tatarî” bo Farisiya beriya Îslamiyetê li ser axa gelên Îranî dihat axaftin, tê bikaranîn. Lewma, L. Hervás y Panduro bi awayekî rast, li gor Farisî, taybetmendiyeke bêtir muhafazakar a zimanê Kurdî îma kiriye.

19 H.b., 442f.

20 Çespandina mezheba Cizvît li Portekîz (1759) û Ispanyayê (1767), û dû re qewirandina wan ji van welatan û kolonîyên wan li Italyayê, hiştiye ku Hervás rasterast têkeve nav çavkanîyê wan î di gelek zimanan de, têvî şahidîyên misyoneran tê de yên dema keresteyên çapkirî tunebûn. Wek ku hat qalkirin, L. Hervás y Panduro bixwe jî li Amerîkayê misyoner bû dema ev mezheb di 1767a de hat rakirin, ku piştî wê çû Italyayê.

21 Garzoni, Maurizio. Grammatica e vocabolario della lingua Kurda, 8ff. Rome: Sacra Congregazione di Propaganda Fide, 1787.

22 H.b., 11.

23 Auroux, Sylvain. Histoire des idées linguistiques, c. 2: Le développement de la grammaire occidentale, 115–22. Liège: Mardaga, 1991, tê neqilkirin di Rabault-Feuerhahn, L’Archive des origines, 68 de.

24 Rabault-Feuerhahn, L’Archive des origines, 69.

25 Hervás y Panduro, Origine, 160–70.

26 H.b., 170.

27 H.b., 171.

28 Ji ber ku modela kategorîyên rêzimana Latînî, tabloya Garzonî ya kişandina lêkeran pir zêde hatiye besîtkirin ji ber ku muadilê gelek raweyê deman peyda nekiribû. Îlan kiriye ev rawe tunene û bi awayekî ji vî karî revîyaye: dema borî ya domdar a dîyar, çîroka dema borî ya diyar, dema bê, xwestekî û mercîya dema borî. Garzoni, Grammatica, 29–33.

29 Adelung, Johann. Mithridates, oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde, 297f. Berlin: Vossischen Buchhandlung,1806.

30 Ev nêrîn, ji alîyê gelek lêkolînerên li ser koka Kurdan difikirin tê pejirandin û hê jî di êdisyon û wergerên vê pirtûkê de cî digre. Bnr. wek mînak, Xénophon. L’Anabase. Le Banquet. Traduction, notices et notes par Pierre Chambry, 113, 301, note 81. Parîs: Flammarion, 1996.

31 H.b.

32 J. Klaproth, da ser şopa yekî ku beriya wî li van welatan geriyabû û nîşeyên seyaha xwe tomar kiribû, wî edîsyonek nû van nîşeyan di du cildan berhev kir di 1815a de (Reisen durch Georgien und Imerethi) û di 1834a de (Beschreibung der Kaukasischen Länder).

33 Bo jiyan û berhemên Julius Klaproth, bnr. Walravens, Hartmut. Julius Klaproth (1783– 1835): Leben und Werk. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999.

34 Klaproth, Julius. “Kurdisches Wörterverzeichnis, mit dem Persischen und anderen verwandten Sprachen verglichen”, 312. Fundgruben des Orients c. 4 (1814): 312–21.

35 H.b., 313.

36 Ev têgeh ji alîyê Conrad Malte-Brun hat îcadkirin di 1810an de; bnr. Rabault-Feuerhahn, L’ Archive des origines, 88.

37 H.b., 69.

38 H.b., 82.

39 H.b., 84.

40 H.b., 85.

41 Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things: An Archæology of Human Sciences, 290ff. New York: Vintage, 1994.

42 H.b., 292

43 H.b., 289.

44 H.b.

45 Leopold, Joan. The Letter Liveth: The Life, Work and Library of August Friedrich Pott (1802–1887), xliv. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1983.

46 H.b., xlv.

47 H.b., xlvi–xlvii.

48 Bnr. Siegfried, C. “Roediger, Emil R.” Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 29. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1889.

49 Her du weşan jî ji ber pirsgirêkên sansur û abonetiyê temenkurt bûn: Hallische Jahrbüchera A. Ruge di 1843ya de û Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung di 1849a de hat girtin.

50 Leopold, The Letter Liveth, li–lii.

51 H.b., lv–lvi.

52 H.b., lxiii–lxv.

53 Bnr. Rabault-Feuerhahn, L’Archive des origines, 136.

54 H.b., 124–9.

55 H.b., 127ff. Bi rastî, boçuna bêtir global a dibistana Bonnê ji aliyê C. Lassen hat gihandin bo lûtkeyê bi çar cildên şahberhema wî Zanistên Antîkîteya Hindistanî (Indische Alterthumskunde), di 1847–61ê çap bûn.

56 Di heman demê de ku li ser rêza “Lêkolînên Kurdî” dixebitî, A.F. Pott berhema xwe Cingene li Ewropa û Asya (Die Zigeuner in Europa und Asien) wek du cild di1844–5a de çap kir, û tevkariya rêzek gotarên derbarê vê babetê de jî kir.

57 “Bi saya Grimm û Bopp, ziman, wek hêmanên temamî fonetîk, muamele pê hatin kirin […]. Lê, bo rêzimana gelemperî, dema deng ji alîyê zimên ve tê hilberandin an lêv dibe tîpek, ziman çêdibe; ji niha şûn de tê qebûlkirin ku dema deng tên derxistin û di nav rêzek dengên cuda dabeş dibe, ziman peyda dibe.” Foucault, The Order of Things, 286.

58 Hewce ye bê gotin, berhema J. Grimm a li ser devkî dû re li ser du zimanzanên din î li ser Kurdî dixebitîn, bandor kir, Eugen Prym û Albert Socin.

59 Rödiger, Emil û August F. Pott. “Kurdische Studien”, 1–2. Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 3 (1840): 1–63.

60 Leopold, The Letter Liveth, 309.

61 Bnr. Calmard, Jean. “Il’ya Nikolaevich Berezin”. EIr (1989), http://www.iranicaonline.org/ articles/berezin-ilya-nikolaevich. Dîroka ketina malperê: 22.4.2015.

62 Bo jiyan û karîyera A. Chodźko bnr. Calmard, Jean. “Aleksander Borejko Chodźko”. EIr (1991), http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/chodzko-aleksanderborejko. Dîroka xetina malperê: 22.4.2015.

63 “Ez hê jî nizanim gelo em dikarin nêrîna birêz Pott, ku dibêje Kurdî bi serê xwe zimanek e, bipejirînin an na. Wer xuya ye, hê em ne xwedî têr kereste ne ku êm li ser vê babeta girîng gotina dawî bêjin […].” Chodźko, Alexandre. “Études philologiques sur la langue Kurde (dialecte de Soléimanié)”, 4. Journal asiatique série 5, vol. 9 (1857): 297–356.

64 H.b.

65 Wek mînak em dikarin Klaproth bidin ku Kurdî wek “ji zaraveyekî Persî-Medî hatiye tevî gotinên deyn ên Semîtîk an L. Hervás y Panduro yê Kurdan wek “neviyên Keldanîyên antîk” ku zimanekî […] tijî peyvên Erebî dipeyivin” pênase kirine ́û’.

66 Chodźko, “Études philologiques”, 1f.

67 H.b., 59.

68 H.b., 60.

69 H.b., 3f.

70 Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, David. “The Imperial Roots of Soviet Orientology”, 33. Di nav The Heritage of Soviet Oriental Studies, ji alîyê M. Kemper & S. Conermann hatiye amadekirin, 29–46. Oxon: Routledge, 2011.

71 H.b., 36.

72 Wokoeck, Ursula. German Orientalism, 118. Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

73 Anonîm. “Livres nouveaux – Russie”. Journal des savants (May 1858): 328.

74 Jaba, Auguste. Recueil de notices et récits kourdes, v. St.-Petersburg: Akademiya Împaratorî ya Zanistan, 1860.

75 Wek me dît, Bernhard Dorn bû, yê ku Peter Lerch şandibû, li Smolenskê li ser girtîyên Kurd bixebite.

76 Chyet, Michael. Kurdish-English Dictionary. Yale: Yale University Press, 2003.

77 Marchand, German Orientalism, xx–xxii.

78 Ji bo çarçoveyeke biyografîk, bnr. Testa, Marie & Antoine Gautier. Drogmans et diplomates européens auprès de la porte ottomane, 441–50. Stenbol: Isis, 2003.

79 Marchand, German Orientalism, 221f.

80 Dabeşbûna navbera orientalîstên “ser maseyê” û “yên li qadê” di orientalîzma sedsala 19mîn de taybetmendiyek pênaseker bû bi rastî. Marchand dibêje “akademisyenên sedsala nozdemîn […] pir kêm eleqedar dibûn bi şertên aborî, leşkerî an siyasî yên Rojhilata modern re”, û ev “nirxandin û qalkirina van babetan dibû karê rojnameger, karmend an karsazan, ku yek ji wan jî berpirsiyariyek wan a çandî tunebû qasî ya akademisyenan.” Isaac Silvestre de Sacy yê Fransî (1758–1838) yek ji ev cure akademisyanan bû, lewma Henri Déhérain behs dike di sala 1805a de bo lêkolîneke arşîvên Cenowayê serdanek wî heye û dibêje “tenê vê carê ji Parîsê derketiye çûye welatekî biyanî.” Sedsalek şûn de jî hê rewş neguherî. Her wiha Theodor Nöldeke (1836–1930), ku “nîvê sedsalê mezintirîn semîtîstê Almanyayê bû” û berhemên xwe yî sereke di 1860an de nivîsand, “ji koleksiyonên destxetan ên li Wienayê wêdetir neçûbû Rojhilat.” Ancax piştî 1880yan wir de, karîyerê orientalîstan bêtir hewce kir kêmtirîn carekê biçin “Şerqê” bo lêkolînên xwe. Bnr. Marchand, German Orientalism, xxvi–xxvii and 174; Déhérain, Henri. Silvestre de Sacy, ses contemporains et ses disciples, XX. Parîs: Paul Geuthner, 1938.

81 Xwezanas P.A. Tchihatcheff (1812–90), ku bo kovarê stran şandibû, xwedî boçûneke gelek cuda bû derbarê A. Jaba û berhema wî de. Jaba, Auguste. “Ballade Kurde”, 153ff. Journal asiatique série 5, vol. XIV (1859): 153–66.

82 Jaba, Notices et récits kourdes, v–x. Wek tesaduf, ev sedema tevlîheviya bo navê Jaba ye jî. Di vê koleksiyonê de wek Alexandre hatiye binavkirin, ne August, ev şaşiyek e ku hatiye heta îro. De Testa & Gautier, Drogmans et diplomates, 446f.

83 Espagne, Michel û Rabault-Feuerhahn, Pascale. “Le réseau stambouliote de Silvestre de Sacy”, 45. Di nav L’orientalisme, les orientalistes et l’empire ottoman de la fin du XVIIIème à la fin du XXème siècle, 39-60, ji alîyê S. Basch, N. Cheni, P. Chuvin, M. Espagne & J. Leclant, hatiye amadekirin. Parîs: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 2011.

84 Di nav de Testa & Gautier, Drogmans et diplomates, 456–61 de hatiye çapkirin.

85 H.b., 460.

86 Schmitt, Rüdiger. “Ferdinand Justi”. EIr (2009) http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/justiferdinandwilhelm-jakob-german-scholar. Dîroka ketina malperê: 22.4.2015.

87 H.b.

88 Bo bêtir agahî li ser jiyan û berhemên Justi, bnr. Schmitt, “Ferdinand Justi”.

89 Wokoeck, German Orientalism, 144f.

90 H.b., 142ff.

91 Marchand, German Orientalism, 82f.

92 Minorsky, Vladimir. “Kurds”. EI1, cild. 2, 1152ff. Leiden: Brill, 1927.

93 Asta pîsporîtîya lêkolînên Justi ewqas bû ku berhema wî ya din, Pirtûka Navê Şexsên Îranî (Iranisches Namenbuch) “îro jî hê pîrtûkek li ber desta ya bê kêmasî û pêwîst e”. Schmitt, “Ferdinand Justi”.

94 Em dikarin qala “Nîşeyên li ser Peyvên Biyanî di Kurdî de” (“Note sur les mots étrangers en Kurde”, 1873), “Li ser Tîpên Bêdeng ên Kurdî” (“Über die Kurdischen Spiranten”, 1873) û “Navên Ajalan di Kurdî de” (“Les noms d’animaux en Kurde”, 1878) bikin.

95 Wekî din, T. Nöldeke yekem kes e îtirazî têkiliya navbera Kardûkên Ksenofon û Kurda dike, ku ew bi Kyrtioiyên di çavkaniyên Yewnanî ve girê dide. Bnr. Nöldeke, Theodor. “Kardū und Kurden”. Di nav Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte und Geographie. Festschrift für Heinrich Kiepert, 73–81. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1898.

96 Tardieu, Michel. “Le collectage de la tradition orale du Ṭūr ‘Abdīn par Prym et Socin (1869)”, 13. Di nav L’orientalisme, les orientalistes et l’empire ottoman de la fin du XVIIIè- me à la fin du XXème siècle, 11-28, ji alîyê S. Basch, N. Cheni, P. Chuvin, M. Espagne & J. Leclant hatiye amadekirin. Parîs: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 2011.

97 H.b., 15.

98 H.b., 25.

99 Tişta ku Michiel Leezenberg wek “folklorîzekirina Kurdan” bi nav kiriye. Leezenberg, “Soviet Kurdology”, 88.

100 Bo nîqaşeke bi hûrgilî derbarê tebîeta qadên zanistî û têkiliya wan a ji alîyekî ve bi mekanên civakî yên global re, ji alîyekî din ve bi rêgeha şexsên lekolîner re, bnr. Bourdieu, Pierre. Les usages sociaux de la science: pour une sociologie clinique du champ scientifique. Parîs: INRA, 1997 û Bourdieu, Pierre. Science de la science et réflexivité: cours du Collège de France (2000–2001). Parîs: Raisons d’agir, 2000.

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