Di Rabêja vebêjî ya Kurdî ya Modern de Rastî û Honak

Di Rabêja vebêjî ya Kurdî ya Modern de Rastî û Honak

HAŞIM AHMADZADE – JI ÎNGILÎZÎ: FEXRIYA ADSAY

Pûxte: Rabêja vebêjî ya modern, yanê roman û kurteçîrok, berevajî şêwazên vegotinê yên kevneşopî, mînak fabl û romans, ku li ser nerînên gelemperî û paradigmayên dîdaktîk ava dibin, ji ezmûnên takekesî û nerînên epîstemolojîk ên modern dertê. Hilatina rabêja vebêjî ya modern a kurdî li ser pêwendiya navbera rastî û honakê de mînakên hêja didin ber destê lêkolîneran. Ev gotar du honakên kurdî yên ewil ên sedsala 20mîn, kurteçîroakek û romanek, dide ber xwe û nîqaş dike ku bi şertên civakî û siyasî yên heman demê re pir nêz eleqedar in. Honakên ku bo vê xebatê hatine hilbijartin ev in: Le Xewma (di xewna min de) a Cemîl Saîb (1887-1951) û Meseley Wijdan a Ehmed Muxtar (1896-1935).

Peyven sereke: Roman, vebêj, başûrê Kurdistanê, Şêx Mehmûd, modernîzasyon

Ev gotar armanc dike nîşan bide ku di civaka kurdan de ka çawa rastî honakê xwedî dike. Bi alikariya tetbîqkirina qaideyên teorîk ên heyî ku bingehên rabêja vebêjî yên epîstemolojîk û civakî nîqaş dikin, mînak Dîrokîtiya Nû (New Historicism), bo rabêja vebêjî ya modern a kurdî, wê pêwendî navbera rastî û honakê ya di peywenda kurdî de bê analîzkirin. Nerînên Ian Watt ên derbarê xisûsîbûna ezmûn, dem û cî di romanê de û nerînên Michael Foucault wek “xwesteka zanînê” ku tevkariya derçûna realîzmê kirine bingehên teorîk ên vê pêşkeşiyê ne.[1] Ev gotar, di vegotinên wêjeyî yên kurdiya modern de li ser mijar, valahî (lacuna) û mekan hûr dibe û di cîhana civak û honaka kurdî de binê pêwendiyên diyar ên navbera rastî û honakê de xêz dike. Ev berhemên honakî û tomara wan î bi hûrgilî ya civaka kurdî ya wê demê dikare civaka kurd bi qasî berhemên ne-honakî temsîl bikin. Piştî destpêka qonaxa pişt-binyadgeriyê, teoriya wêjeyî xuya ye bi deqên wêjeyî re ji dêvla analîza şêwazî bêtir “wek hîmeke bo spekulasyon û polemîkên îdeolojîk” eleqedar dibe.[2] Li gor hin akademisyenan, pêkhînana van du têgehan, rastî û honak, derçûna têgeheke nû de encam dide, ev ‘faction’ (rastî-honakî) e. Ev peyva ku ji du çavikan pêk tê derfet dide bikaranîna teknîkên romanî yên ku bo xwîner bûyerên dîrokî yên aktuel vedijînin. Ev cureyeke xebata wêjeyî ya li ser tixûbê navbera rastî û honakê de ye.[3] Digel ku berhemên di vê gotarê de tên nîqaşkirin ne ‘faction’ in lê safî honak in, dîsa jî realîteya Kurdistanê ya di destpêka sedsala bîstemîn de baş nîşan didin. Ev çîrokên honakî ji yên rastî bêtir balkêş xuya dikin ji ber ku ew “bi qalibên (bi taybetî) cîhana civakî ku em dikarin fam bikin, û ji bo em ne mecbûr in tê de cî bigrin, em dikarin çavdêriya wê bikin pêşkeşî me dikin.”[4] Bi riya binxêzkirina rewşa başûrê Kurdistanê, ciyê bûyerên di honakên li vir wê bên nîqaşkirin, û berawirdikirina wan a bi avaniya babetî ya honakan re, ev gotar li ser hûr dibe ka rastî û honak çawa li hev bandor dikin. Ev gotar îdia dike ku rewşa takekesî û civakî ya her du nivîskaran jî di hilberandina ev her du berhemên modern ên kurdî yên honakî yên ewil de du hokerên serekî ne. Di vê gotarê de xala bingehîn ya ku ji xebatên rexneyî yên beriya vê li ser honaka kurdî hatine kirin vediqete ew e ku ew tixûbên rexneya kevneşopî ku armanca rasterast a nivîskaran dikin navend, derbas dike.[5]

Romana kurdî: Hilatin û geşedan

Çebûna rabêja romanî ya kurdî encama gelek hokerên siyasî, çandî û dîrokî ye.[6] Encax di salên destpêka sedsala 20emîn de fikra nasnameya kurdî kiriye ku girîngiya zimanê kurdî têkeve rojevê. A rast, ev tevî bilindbûna neteweperweriya kurdî û “meylên modern ên wek hebûna bijareyên neteweperwer ên bajarî, rêkxistina partiyên siyasî û weşanên neteweperwer” bû.[7] Guherîna civakî ya di civakên kurdî de tevî bandorên çandî yên neteweyên din rê li ber zayina vegotina modern a kurdî vekir. Ev mînakeke empîrîk a baş e bo îdiaya Hawtron a derbarê hilatina romanê de: “Roman piranî encama guherîna civakî ya di asta neteweyî û bandora çandî ya di asta navneteweyî de ye.”[8]

Dîroka hilatin û geşedana romana kurdî qedera neteweperweriya kurdî ya tevlîhev û parçebûyî bi awayekî zelal destnîşan dike.

Di dehsaleya duyem a sê hezaran de, lîsteya romanên kurdî nêzî sêsed heban bûye. Ger em rewşa civakî-siyasî ya kurdan bînin bîra xwe, ev bi nispet tomareke baş e. Ne hewceyî gotinê ye ku guherîna çawanî ya di taybetmendiyên wêjeyî û estetîk ên romana kurdî jî daye ser şopa vê zêdebûna çendahî.[9] Babeta sereke ya di romana kurdî de hê jî babeta neteweyî ye û şopên bêdewletbûnê jî bi hêsanî tên dîtin.[10] Ev li dijî meyla sereke ya geşedanên vê dawiyê yên di peywenda rojavayî de ye ku bi kurahî di bin bandora encamên gerdûnîbûnê de dimîne, wek ku Showalter dest nîşan kiriye.[11]

Başûrê Kurdistanê di destpêka sedsala 20emîn de

Ber bi Şerê Cîhanê yê I. ve heremên kurdan ên di bin darê Împeretoriya Osmanî de marûzî guherînên siyasî yên radîkal dibûn. Hilweşîna Împeretoriyê û pozisyona xurt a hêzên Hevalbend wek serfirazên Şer dikira nexşeya siyasî ya herêmê ji nû ve dîzayn bikirana. Başûrê Kurdistanê bêtir di bin bandora her du aliyan de bû. Di van salan de Kurdistana osmanî di nav sê netewe-dewletan de hate parvekirin, Iraq, Tirkiye û Sûrî. Salên di navbera 1918-1925an dikaribû ji bo dewletbûna kurdan derfeteke baş bûya.[12] Di 1919î de daxwazên kurdan bi sê awayan bû: nêz-Tirkiye, nêz-Hevalbend û nêz-serxwebûn.[13] Peymanên Sewr û Lozanê jî ev rewşa kurdan a tevlîhev dest nîşan dikir. Digel ku peymana Sewrê di sala 1920an de bi sê madeyan mafên kurdan ên bo dewletbûnê destek dikir, peymana Lozanê, tenê piştî sê salan, qet qala mafên kurdan nedikir. A rast, dabeşkirina Împeretoriya Osmanî ji xwe di Gulana 1916an de bi peymana Sykes-Picotê hatibû biryardayîn. Hêzên hevalbend û yên neteweperwerên tirk kurd û sadaqata wan îstismar dikirin. Brîtanya, bi armanca ku li hemberî tirkan sadaqata kurdan bi dest bixe soza serxwebûnê dida wan. Tirkan jî li hemberî siyaseta Brîtanyayê ya li herêmê sadaqata wan a bo islamiyetê istismar dikirin.[14]

Di Kanûna 1918yan de rayedarên brîtanî Şêx Mehmûd Berzencî kirin waliyê Silêmaniyê ji ber dewlemendî û statuya wî ya olî, li Kurdistanê ji bo hêzên brîtanî bijartineke baş bû. Di mehên ewil ên sala 1919an de rayedarên brîtanî yên li herêmê dest pê kirin desthilatdariya Şêx a li Kurdistanê hilweşandin bi sedem ku li herêmê li hemberî rêvebiriya brîtanyayê serî rakiriye. Demeke dirêj derbas nebû rayedarên brîtanî li herêmê Şêx têk birin û di nîve tîrmeha 1919an de şandin bo mişextiyê. Ji ber hokerên herêmî û bertekên navxweyî Şêx di nîvê îlona 1922yan de hate efûkirin û paş de hate anîn bo Kurdistanê. Piştî bûyerên siyasî û bêbaweriya navbera Şêx û rayedarên brîtanî nelihevî zêde bûn û hêzên brîtanî di Gulana 1924an de Silêmanî bombebaran kirin, Şêx bajar terikand.

Li gor Xwaja, bi referansdayina axaftina Şêx a di 10ê Mijdara 1922yan de di civîna yekem a bi wezîrên kurd re, Şêx têra xwe ji siyasetên tirk û brîtanî yên li herêmê haydar bû. Şêx, şerê bo mafên kurdan ên azadî û serxwebûnê bike bi biryar bû. A rast, Şêx li hemberî hemû aktorên li herêmê pragmatîst tevdigeriya. Di nameyên xwe yên di Gulana 1925an de bo çendîn rayedarên li herêmê ev siyaseta xwe dupat dikir û digot, “Kurd ji bo azadiyê şer dikin û naxwazin wek xulaman bijîn. Kî piştgirî bide azadî û serxwebûna me, em ê jî piştgirî bide wan.”[15]

Le Xewma (di xewa min de)

Cemîl Saîb, nivîskarê vê berhema honakî li Silêmaniyê di malbateke xwedî perwerde hatiye dinyayê. Ji medreseyê derçûye û di sala 1919an de rojnameya Pêşkewtinê de dest bi nivîsandinê kiriye. Apê Cemîl, Pîremêrd (1867-1950) ku piştî hilweşandina Împeretoriya Osmanî ji Stenbolê vegeriyabû, mirovekî navdar bû. Ji aliyê gelek kesan ve wek yek ji damezrênerê neteweperweriya çandî tê qebûlkirin. Dema em dibînin ku Le Xewmaya Saîb cara yekem li pey hev di du rojnameyên ku ji aliyê Pîremêrd dihatin derxistin hatiye weşandin, di weşandinê de girîngiya têkiliyên malbatî xwe xuya dike.

Arif Saîb, birayê Cemîl, ku bi sixuriya îngilîzan tê tawanbarkirin, di sala 1923yan de ji aliyê merivekî Şêx tê kuştin. Tê gotin dema Şêx bihîstiye Arif hatiye kuştin, şaş û metel dibe û dibêje, “Arif yek ji zilamên min î herî hêja bû. Min hemû razên xwe ji wî re digotin. Ew mirovekî jîr bû. Hemay Saîda Biçkol (kujer) divê ji bo vê kirina xwe bê kuştin.”[16] Di sala 1923yan de rewşenbîrekî din î kurd û navdarekî Silêmanî Cemal Îrfan, hevalekî nêz î Cemîl Saîb û xwezûrê wî jî ji aliyê mirovên Şêx hatin kuştin. Bêgûman ev kirinên zalimane li ser helwesta Cemîl a li hemberî Şêx bandor kiribû.[17]

Çîrok di sala 1925 û 1926an de di Jiyanewe û Jiyanê de wek bîst û sê beş hatiye weşandin. Çîrok xewneke dirêj a derbarê Kurdistanê de ya lehengekî bênav e ku di xewna xwe de di salên ewil ên 1920an de pirsgirêkên wehîm ên rêvebiriya başûrê Kurdistanê dibîne. Lehengê bênav bi armanca ku li bajêr, yanê Silêmanî paytextê rêvebiriya Şêx, ji xwe re karekî peyda bike tevî kerwanekê ji malbajarê xwe bi rê dikeve. Bi riya vegotina çavdêriyên xwe yên di rê de, leheng xwînerê xwe derbarê rewşa neewle ya rê de û diz çawa alavên rêwiyan jê distînin haydar dike. Dema digihêje bajêr ji aliyê hêzên ewlekariyê tê girtin û wî dibin odeyekê ku di paceya wê re dikare her tiştê “mirovê mezin” û civînên wî bibihîze û bibîne. Di nav çavdêriyên wî yên ku bi hûrgilî vedibêje sê rewş hene ku derbarê siyaseta Şêx a xumamî ya bi Tirkiye, Brîtanyaya Mezin û daxwaza serxwebûna Kurdistanê de ne.

Hatina çend siyasetmedarên nêz-tirk bo ‘dîwana mirovê mezin’ û erêkirina daxwaza wan a tevlîbûna bo tirkan yek ji meylên di siyaseta wî de ya li hemberî tirkan û di hin rewşan de tevkariya wî ya bi wan re destnîşan dike. Komeke din tê dîwana wî û bi awayekî eşkere alîgirên siyaseta Brîtanyayê ya li Kurdistanê dikin. Hewl didin ‘mirovê mezin’ îqna bikin ku siyaseta Brîtanyayê ya li Kurdistanê rast e û tevkariya bi hêzên Brîtanyayê re bo berjewendiya wan e. ‘Mirovê mezin’ bala xwe dide siyaset û planên vê komê. Koma dawî ku tê dîwanê propagandaya Kurdistana serbixwe dike. Ew jî hewl didin ku ‘mirovê mezin’ bo avakirina Kurdistana serbixwe ya ji bandora biyaniyan dûr îqna bikin. ‘Mirovê mezin’ bi gotina wan jî dike.

‘Mirovê mezin’ ji bo hemû ev helwestên xwe sedemên wî yên meşrûkirinê hene. Sedema piştgiriya tirkan ew e ku tevkariya bi wan re wê hikumeta wî li hemberî hêzên brîtanî bikaribe xurt bibe.[18] Pozisyona wî ya bo îngilîzan bi sedema yektabûna hêza Brîtanyaya Mezin û heyatîbûna piştgiriya Brîtanyayê tê meşrûkirin.[19] Pozisyona wî ya sêyem xwestekên wî yên neteweyî û hewesên wî yên dij-tirk û îngilîzan meşrû dike.[20] Di siyaseta ‘mirovê mezin’ de ev guherînên bilez leheng hêvîşikestî dike. Dikeve heyra şexsiyeta lawaz a ‘mirovê mezin’ û di nav sê seatan de guherandina fikrên wî.[21] Lehengê girtî dema ku ev argumentên dijhev û piştgiriya ‘mirovê mezin’ bo van hemû dibihîze ken pê dikeve. Kenê wî yê bi dengê bilind bala ‘mirovê mezin’ û mirovên wî dikşîne. ‘Mirovê mezin’ bi kenê xwedê girabî vî sîxurî hêrs dibe. Ew û zilamên xwe bi awayekî xedar li sixur dixin. Leheng ji vê rewşê pir bêzar bûye, betiliye û hêvî dike ji van ‘mirovên ecêb’ xilas bibe. Xwe bi xwe dibêje ku çawa ji vir derkeve wê vî ‘welatê xwînawî û wêran’ biterikîne.[22]

Di çîrokê de derbarê paradigmayên serdest ên çandî û civakî de du aliyên girîng hene. Mirov bi hêsanî dikare serdestiya rabêja olî û bandora şexsên olî ya li ser ‘mirovê mezin’ bibîne. Retorîka serdest a hin rayedarên olî ku di çîrokê de dora ‘mirovê mezin’ girtine, pir fanatîk e. Di derbarê cezakirina ew kesên ku bi awayekî li dijî Şêx, ol an welêt tiştek kiribin, serî li şerîata îslamî didin. Bi awayekî pir eşkere dibêjin ev ‘kafir’ divê bi tundî bên cezakirin, malê wan û jinên wan ji wan bê stendin.[23]

Di navbera ‘mirovê mezin’ û şêwirmendên wî de kêmasiya rabêjeke siyasî ya derbarê nasnameya kurdî û vizyonekê zêde berbiçav e. Rastî ew e ku Şêx rêvebirekî bêtecrube ye û rewşa civakî-siyasî ya Kurdistanê jî karê wî zehmettir dike. Berevajiya vê, gelek caran rewşa navxweyî ber bi xirabûnê ve diçû. Refîq Hilmî, siyasetmedar û rewşenbîrekî navdar î dema Şêx, di bîranînên xwe de dibêje Şêx di siyaset û îdarekirina welêt de bêtecrûbe bû. Vê dûpat dike ku di meseleyên siyasî de kesek tunebû ku şîretekê lê bike.[24] Destnîşan dike ku hin karmend û şexsên xwedî perwerde ku ji Tirkiye û Bexdayê vegeriyabûn dixwestin alikariya Şêx bikin. Lê ew kesên ku ji bo berjewendiyên xwe biparêzin Şêx dorpêç kiribûn nedihiştin mirovên xwedî perwerde û bitecrube nêzî Şêx bibin.[25]

Retorîka ‘mirovê mezin’ di eslê xwe de retorîka Şêx Mehmûd a bi awayê ku ji aliyê berhemên rasteqîn an honakî yên derbarê serdema wî de hatiye tomarkirin tîne bîra xwendevan.[26] Girtî dema di odeya ku tê de dikare civînê bibîne ji ‘mirovê mezin’ çi dibihîze vedibêje:

Di nav salên dawî de ez têdikoşim û ez êşa esaretê û riswabûnê dikşînim. Ez bi şert û mercên gelek dijwar û biêş rû bi rû mam. Min dev ji her tiştê xwe berda. Min dest bi şer kir û ji xwe re got ku ev netewe divê bi rihetî bêhn bistîne û ji destdirêjiya biyaniyan dûr bi awayekî serbixwe û azad bijî. Yanê qesta min, divê em jî wek neteweyên din di nav aramî û bextewariyê de bi şerefa xwe bijîn. Divê em dewlemend û birûmet jî bin. Ola me divê li pêş be. Gelek caran ez li dij Îngilîstanê derketim. Min bi tirkan re têkiliyên xwe qut kir. Min serî li rus û bolşewîkan da. Gelek xwîn rijiya. Min yek ji van ji bo xwe nekir. Min hemû ji bo ol û neteweya xwe kir. Min got bila ev netewe xwe di nav refah û bexteweriyê de bibîne, ola me bêtir derfet bibîne û pozisyona wê bilind bibe. Lêbelê, digel hemû ev realiteyan, em dibînin ku beşeke mezin a vê neteweyê ji min dûr dikevin û didin pey kafiran. Çûne welatên din û xizmeta fikrên êdin dikin […].[27]

Tiştê ku girtî ji ‘mirovê mezin’ neqil dike, pir dişibin gotinên Şêx ku di vegera xwe ya mişextiya ji Hindistanê de gotibû. Di Îlona 1922yan de dema Şêx piştî sal û nîveke li mişextiyê gihişte mala xwe ya li Silêmaniyê û ji aliyê bi hezaran aligirên xwe hatibû dorpêçkirin, wisa digot:

Birayên min, ji bo xatirê gelê me û welatê me, min dev ji berxwedan û şerê biçek bernedaye. Dema ez birîndar bûm û mehkûmî daliqandinê bûm, ez wek mişextî hatim şandin bo Hindistanê. Ew bo xatirê azadî û serxwebûna neteweya min bû, ez aciz nebûm. Ev ne cara yekem bû. Vêga ez vegeriyame û gihiştime we. Bawerkin heta ku em daxwazên xwe û azadiya xwe bidest nexin, ez ê dev ji vê armanc û peywirê bernedim. Ger mafên me nedin me, ji bo bidestxistina wan em ê xwe bikin qurban.[28]

Ji nerîneke wêjeyî, di hemû vegotinê de kêmasiyeke binyadî û teknîkî heye. Ji destpêkê ve, di hevoka yekem de, vebêjer ji me re dibêje tiştê ew vedibêje xewnek e. Heta sernava beşa yekem a çîrokê, destpêka xewnê, jêgirtineke kevneşopî ya kurdî ye, ‘Xwedê bi xêr bike’, ku piştî mirov ji xewnê şiyar dibe û hêvî dike şîroveya wê bi xêr û xweşî be tê gotin. Ber bi dawiya çîrokê ve vebêjer/xwediyê xewnê ji ber kenê xwe lêdanê dixwe. Li gor mantixê divê ji ber vê lêdanê bi xwe esiyabûya û derbarê vê de xwîner agahdar kiribûya. Vêya nake, lê wek ku Baban jî destnîşan dike, digel kêmasiya teknîkî ya mantixa vegotinê, peyam/peywenda çîrokê têra xwe zelal e.[29]

Meseley Wijdan

Ehmed Muxtar Caf li Helebceyê, ku bajarekî ji aliyê çandî ve navdar e, hatiye dinyayê. Eşîra wî ya xwedî nifûz, bi taybetî dê û bavê wî, bandor li ser karaktarê wî yî wêjeyî û siyasî kirine. Diya wî Adîle xanim (1859-1924) jineke navdar û xwedî nifûz bû ku malbata wê, piştî têkçûna mîrektiya Baban ya di 1851ê de ji aliyê osmaniyan, koçî Sinê paytextê mîrektiya Erdelan a li Kurdistana Îranê kiribû. Ew li wir hatibû dinyayê û di medreseyên bajêr de perwerde bûbû. Piştî zewaca wê ya bi Osman paşa re, hatibû Helebceyê, bajarê mêrê xwe. Di rêvebirina karê Helebceyê de ligel mêrê xwe roleke girîng dileyist. Piştî mirina mêrê wê, di 1905an de, hemû karên rêvebiriya herêma Şarezûrê da ser xwe.

Li gor Hawar, eşîra Caf di dema Şêx Mehmûd de bûbû du parçe: Yek ji aliyê Adîle xanim û kurên wê Ehmed, Izzet ve dihate îdarekirin û îngilîzan piştgiriya wan dikir û li dijî Şêx Mehmûd bûn. Parçeyê din ji aliyê kurê Osman paşa yê din Hamid beg, ne ji heman dayikê bû, dihate îdarekirin û piştgiriya Şêx Mehmûd dikirin.[30] Ehmed bi farisî, erebî, tirkî, kurdî û îngilîzî dipeyivî. Di nav kurdan de bêtir wek helbestvan dihate naskirin û di Dîwana wî ya çapkirî de gelek helbestên welatperwer hene. Ehmed di sala 1922yan de bû qaymeqamê Helebceyê. Di sala 1924an de wek endamê parlamentoya Iraqê hate hilbijartin. Di sala 1935an de Ehmed Muxtar Caf sî û heşt saliya xwe de dema li Helebceyê di çemê Sîrwanê re derbas dibû ji aliyê hin kesên nenas hate kuştin. Listeya kujerên wî yên muhtemel ji zilamên wî bixwe heta sîxurên hikumeta Iraqê û zilamên Şêx Mehmûd gelek kesan dihewîne.[31]

Demekê piştî Şerê Cîhanê yê I., efserekî brîtanî Soane di dirûvê yekî îranî, bi navê Mîrza Xulam Huseyin de hate Helebceyê. Ji eşîra Caf re dixebitî. Pir muhtemel e ku Soane pêwendiyên baş bi Ehmedê ciwan re danibû û bandor li ser wî kiribû, heta şêwazên nû yê wêjeyî, wek roman, ber wî xistibû.

Meseley Wijdan di 1927/1928an de hatiye nivîsandin. Ihsan Fuad di 1970an de ew li Bexdayê çap kiriye. Di destpêka çîrokê de, vebêjer xwîner agahdar dike ku ew li bajarekî biçûk hatiye dinyayê. Navê bajarê xwe tenê bi tîpa yekem, h. binav dike. Ev dibe ku qesta Helebceyê dike, malbajarê nivîskar, ji ber ku şayeseyên din jî vê qeneatê xurt dikin. Vebêjer dibêje malbata wî feqîr bû û bavê wî di Şerê Mezin de, yanê Şerê Cîhanê yê I. de şehîd bûye. Diya wî pir xebitiye da ku wî bişîne dibistanê. Lêbelê, piştî demeke kurt wê jî rihmet kiriye.[32] Wek em dibînin, lehengê çîrokê sêwî ye. Dem derbas dibe, mezin dibe û dibe mirovekî naskirî. Di destpêkê de şexsiyeta wî ya derasayî û tûj dike ku ew rewşa civakî û siyasî rexne bike, piştre dibe mirovekî gendel û sixtekar. Ger em li gor asta wî ya civakî wî wek temsilkarekî birjuwaya biçûk gebûl bikin, em dikarin fam bikin bê birjuwaya biçûk/çîna navîn a kurd ji destpêka xwe ve tebeqeyeke çiqas lawaz û seqet bûye. Dema em di geşbûna hişmendiya neteweyî û avakirina netewe-dewletê de girîngiya vê tebeqeyê bînin bîra xwe, em dikarin sedemên neserketina neteweperweriya kurdî û qedera wê ya ji dehsaleyên ewil ên sedsala bîstemîn ve fam bikin. Kapitalîzm, wek çêbûneke civakî ya bi awayê xwe yê hilberînê bûye yek ji mercên pêwîst ê hilatina neteweperweriyê. Di destpêka sedsala bîstemîn de binyada civakî ya civaka kurd ji taybetmendiyên civakeke kapîtalîst, mînak çînên nû û pîşeyên modern, pêbar bû. Wek Delanty û O’Mahong jî îdia dikin, hilatina çînên navîn û derçûna pîşeyên modern di şêwazgirtina neteweperweriyê de hokerên girîng in.”[33]

Leheng, Zorab, piştî mirina diya xwe demekê bi merivên xwe re dijî. Digel ku zêde dixebite jî, merivên wî ancex bi qasî ku bijî xwarin didinê. Paşre, bi alikariya yek ji hevalên bavê xwe li dikanekê ji xwe re kar peyda dike. Li vê derê lê hay dibe xwediyê dikanê çawa ji bo bêtir pere bidestxîne her roj çi û çi sixtekariyan dike. Rojekê culhet dike ji serkarê xwe dipirse ka şerîet destûr dide di kar de sixtekarî bê kirin an na. Serkarê wî dibêje “ji bilî kuştin û destdirêjiya namûsa kesên din, her çi ku jiyanê hêsantir û rihettir bike destûr tê dayin.”[34] Dema xort qala wijdanê dike, serkarê wî hêrs dibe û nahêle bipeyive. Ji vir û şûn de rêwîtiya dûr û dirêj a leheng ber bi cîhaneke tijî sixtekarî û riyakarî dest pê dike. Ber bi dawiya çîrokê qedera leheng ku li welêt dibe mirovekî navdar, dewlemend û xwedî nifûz nîşan dide ku di nav peywenda çîrokê de fikra wijdan û edalet tenê xewna zarokekî ye. Di dawiya çîrokê de dema Zorab dibihîze hin keç derbarê qedera xwe de gazinan dikin û dibêjin “ev tişt ji aliyê Xwedê û wijdanê nayê qebûlkirin” li dij wan derdikeve; vê rastiya tahl tîne bîra wan û dibêje “ev keç nizanin ku Xwedê pir bisebr e û bi hezaran tiştên wisa xweş dîtiye. Û wijdan tenê peyvek e, tu kesî ew nedîtiye.”[35] Ev dawiya çîrokê ya reşbîn dikare wek nîşaneya qedera xembar a modernîte û modernîzasyona li Kurdistana ku fikra serxwebûn, azadî û edaletê hê jî xumamî û mefhûmên xewnavî ne, bê xwendin.

Bi riya çavdêriyên Zorab em hay ji rêbazên kevneşopî yên birêvebirina kar û civakê dibin. Gavên ewil ên modernîzasyona civakê û lihevrasthatina wê ya bi kevneşopan di çîrokê de têra xwe xuya dibe. Di axaftineke leheng a bi kardêrên xwe re ku tucareta tûtinê dikin, mirov dibîne bê rêbazên kevneşopî yên kar û tucaretê çawa ji aliyê kardêrên wî tên tercihkirin. Diyalogeke navbera kardêr û Zorabê ku ji kardêrê xwe re pêşniyaz dike ji dêvla ku bi bihayekî erzan tutinê bifiroşin, ji bo cixareyên herêmî hilberînin dikare bi tucarên din ên tûtinê re şirketekê vekin, vê awayê kevneşopî yên hilberînê nîşan dide:

-Ezîzê min, ji min xuyaye tu jî wek ew kesên din î xwende dîn î. Bav û kalên me bi salan ev wisa kirine û em ê jî heman tiştî bikin.”
-Ezbenî, zanabûna bav û kalên me li gor dema wan baş bû. Vêga ev bikêr nayê. […].

-Tu hezar caran jî bêjî, zanabûna berê ji ya niha çêtir e.[36]

Aliyekî din ê jiyana civakî ku awayê kevneşopî yê jiyanê dest nîşan dike ew e ku mirov bi çavî li nexweşiyan dinerin. Awayê ku dixwazin pê nexweşiyan derman bikin û hewceyî doktoran nabînin mînakên baş in bo rasthevhatina modernîzasyon û kevneşopîtiyê ne. Argumenta Zorab a derbarê ava gemarî û xetereyên bikaranîna wê de ji aliyê jina kardêrê wî bi tundî tê redkirin.[37] Têkiliyên malbatî ku di çîrokê de derbas dibin rewşa jinan a zehmet û muameleya mêrên wan a li hember wan dibînin eşkere dike. Di çîrokê de hin îma hene ku haydarbûna leheng ya ji rojava û avaniya wê ya civakî destnîşan dide. Dema niyet dike xwediyê erdekî li derveyî bajêr bixapîne û erd bi dest bixe dibêje:

Min pir xwest wan erdan bistînim û min dil dikir riyekê peyda bikim ku wan erdan ji wî bistînim. Ji ber ku li Rojava, bi taybetî li Fransayê, wê çaxê ger yek erd an malê wî tunebûya, ji wî re nedigotin Kont.[38]

Zorab her ku sixtekariya kardêrên xwe dibîne karê xwe diguhere. Di kar de hesasiyeta wî ya di warê wijdan û rastbûnê de kardêrên wî yê çavbirçî aciz dike. Di çandiniyê de, dema ji bo karsazekî dixebite, lê hay dibe ku kesên wî karî dikin ji sê para yekê tovê bo çandiniyê didizin û bo xwe difiroşin. Dema leheng bi yekî re ku ev dizî kiriye dipeyive û li dij vê kirina wî ya bêwijdan derdikeve, jê re tê gotin ku hemû cotyar heman tiştî dikin.[39] Di dema bêndera genim jî Zorab dibîne karker û cotyar û ên ser wan re bi hev re genimê ser bênderê didizin. Piştî ku li hember vê rewşê derdikeve, derbarê wî de fesadî derdixin û wî bi diziyê tawanbar dikin. Kesên derdora wî her tim wî bi bîra wî dixin ku fêde nake ku li ser mefhûmên şeref, edalet û wijdanê bisekine.[40]

Piştî ku li malbajarê xwe gelek karan diceribîne, diçe bajarekî din û armanc dike bi pere daxwaznameyan binivîsîne.[41] Dema di vî karî de jî bi ser nakeve, hevalekî wî pêşniyaz dike ku bertîl bide rayedaran. Ji vir şûnde êdî dibe bertilxwir û bertildarekî hoste. Her tim di karê xwe de bilind dibe û di meqamên curbecur de dibe xwedî post. Di encamê de pir dewlemend dibe û gelek mal û milkên wî çêdibe. Receteya bilindbûn û gihiştina vê astê hevalekî wî dabûyê. Li gor vî hevalê wî, ji bo ku mirov bi pêş keve divê îxanet bike û derewan bike. Zorab bi eşqa bilindkirina postê xwe, bi gotina hevalê xwe dike.[42] Di demeke kurt de diçe ba rêvebirên bajêr û pesnê wan dide. Piştî demekê dibe serokê karê bacgirtinê. Bi riya tecrubeyên xwe, pir baş fêr dibe ku wê çawa bi hemû qaideyên civakî û çandî re li hev bike. Carekê ji melayekî dixwaze gotinên erebî bike kurdî, ew bi kafirbûnê tê tawanbarkirin û ji mela û mirovên din ên hatine bo limêjê lêdaneke xedar dixwe.[43] Lê, ew diçe mala mela û tobe dike. Ji ber pêşbaziyeke li ser hasilatê ya di navbera rêvebirên nûhatî, Zorab dikeve dafikê. Dema sixtekariyeke wî ji rêvebirên di ser wî re tê gotin, ji kar tê avêtin. Piştî demekê helwesta xwe diguhere û armanc dike wek şorejgerekî neteweyî tevbigere. Zorab hêdî hêdî ji civakê tê tecrîdkirin. Bi rastî, “ji ber valahiya di navbera tiştên tê hêvîkirin û tecrubeyên rasteqîn ku di navenda modernîteyê de cî digre, gelek kom, taybetî çînên navîn di nav civakê de tên biyanîkirin û ji hakimiyeta civakê tên dûrxistin.”[44] Monologa Zorab a piştî qewirandina wî ya ji kar ku dema biryar dide wek ku welatperwerekî şoreşger tevbigere, ji ber ku derbarê rabêja neteweperwer a vê serdema Kurdistanê û biyanîbûna wî ya ji pergala civakî ya heyî de fikrekê dide me, têra xwe balkêş e:

Demek e li bajêr bêtal digeriyam. Min fedî kir û li xwe danenî wek daxwaznamenûsekî bixebitim ji ber ku dema min bac tehsîl dikir mirovekî muqtedîr bûm. Ez fikirîm û gihiştim wê encamê ku betalî wê ji bo min nebaş be. Fikirîm ku wê çi baş be bo min. Min biryar da bi meseleya neteweyî re eleqedar bibim û bibim neteweperwer. Lewma min taximekî pir xweş li xwe kir û wek kesekî ji dibistaneke pir mezin derçûbe tevgeriyam. Bi çoyekî pir xweşik digeriyam. Bi çenteyekî tijî kaxiz û pirtûkên ku gelek ji wan min bi xwe nikaribû bixwînim digeriyam. Li kolanên bajêr digeriyam, serdana dikan û malan dikir. Ez li kuderê rûniştama min dest pê dikir qala welêt, serxwebûn û başiya azadî û serxwebûnê dikir. Her roj min helbestek dişand ku bê weşandin û carna jî min gotarek çap dikir, digel ku yek ji wan min bi xwe nenivîsandibûn.[45]

Bi rastî ev ji bo wê rastiya ku fikra Kurdistana serbixwe ji destpêkê ve nîqaşbar bûye û ji aliyê çîna/tebeqeya civakî ya rast xwedîtî lê nebûye, referanseke baş e. Em aidiyeta eşîrvanî ya nivîskarê pirtûkê bînin bîra xwe û ku eşîra wî li dijî Şêx mehmûd e, manîfestoya Zorab a neteweperweriyê muhtemel e awayekî henekpêkirin an biçûkxistina neteweperweriya Şêx Mehmûd e.

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Di navbera ev her du vebêjên kurdî yên ewil û rewşa civakî-siyasî ya li Kurdistanê pêwendiyeke zelal heye. Xwendineke nêz a li ser van her du berheman bi karîgerî alikariya têgihiştineke çêtir a vê serdema mevzûbehîs dike. Di her du berheman de heta radeyekê neaşînakirin (defamiliarization) diyar e. Ev taybetmendiyeke wêjeyî û hunerî dide van vebêjan da ku wek berhemên wêjeyî bên senifandin. Her du vebêjan de lawaziya çîna navîn a kurd û bêparbûna wê ya ji mekanên modern ên civakî û çandî ku bikaribe tê de geş bibe, bi awayekî zelal dikare bê dîtin. Bi nerîneke wêjeyî û vebêjnasiyê, her du honakên qalkirî taybetmendiyên kal ên cîhanên honakî yên îcadkirî destnîşan didin. Her du honak jî ji bergeha şexsê yekem hatiye vegotin. Lehengên Le Xewma yek ji wan navek, nîşaneyek girîng a takekesiyê ye, tuneye. Di Meseley Wijdan de tenê serlehengê çîrokê çend caran bi navê xwe tê xitabkirin. Digel dewra rasteqîn a romanê, yanê dewra ku çîrok qal dike, dewreke girîng e bo çêbûna neteweperweriya kurdî, leheng wek ku neteweperwer be tevdigere, bi neteweperweriya xwe derdora xwe dixapîne û wê bi awayekî xirab temsîl dike.

Ew rastiya ku yek ji van berheman bi serê xwe wek pirtûk bi dehsalan nehatine çapkirin jî rewşa neguncav a civakî-siyasî ya bo romana kurdî û herwiha bo neteweperweriya kurdî nîşan dide. Lehengên nenas û kêm-nas ên berhemên qalkirî temsilkarên baş ên realiteya kurdan a destpêka sedsala bîstemîn in. Ev ji bo îdiaya Hawthorn jî palpiştek e: “Her çiqas karakter û çalakiyên wê xeyalî be jî, ji hin aliyan ‘temsîlên jiyana rasteqîn’ in, eyn wek ku ferheng wê tarîf dike; her çiqas honakî jî be ew pir dişibe tiştê derveyî rûpelan.”[46] Wek ku Hawthorn destnîşan dike, roman ji destpêka hilatina xwe ve bi “tevger û seyahatê -bi livdariyê ve, him civakî him ji aliyê erdnigariyê ve- têkildar e.”[47] Di Le Xewma de, serleheng ji bo ji xwe re karekî peyda bike ji bajarê xwe derdikeve. Di Meseley Wijdan de, tevgerên Zorab ji ber daxwaz û arezûyên wî yên bo gihiştina postên bilind ên civakî û siyasî ne.

Rojnamegeriya kurdî tevkariya hilatina honaka kurdî ya modern kiriye. Cemîl Saîb kurteçîrokên xwe di Pêşkewtînê de ku li Silêmaniyê ji aliyê Soane dihate derxistin, çap dikir. Saîb di pêşbaziyeke ku ji aliyê Pêşkewtinê hatiye organîzekirin cî girtiye û xelata sêyem a berhema wêjeyî ya herî baş wergirtiye. Pozisyona wan her du nivîskaran a civakî roleke mezin leyistiye ku bibin yekem nivîskarên honaka modern, roman û kurteçîrok. Ji ber ku Saîb biraziyê Pîremêrd bû, yek ji rewşenbîrên kurd ên herî navdar ê yekem nîvê sedsala bîstemîn û pêşengekî neteweperweriya kurdî ya çandî bû, û têkiliyên wî yên xurt pê re hebûn, derfeteke wî mezin hebû ji bo nivîsandina kurdî û çapkirinê. Weşandina honaka wî ya di rojnameyên apê wî de girîngiya derfetên bi vî rengî yên bo pêşketina berhemên wêjeyî, nîşan dide. Hêjayî gotinê ku Pîremêrd ji hunerê baş fam dikir û wî bi xwe jî çend berhemên honakî ji tirkî wergerandibû bo kurdî û ew çap kiribûn. Bi hêsanî dikare bê gotin ku Saîb ji gelek aliyan ve di bin bandora aşînabûna Pîremêrd a bi cureyên wêjeyî yên modern de maye.[48] Aidiyeta malbata Ehmed Muxtar Caf û pozisyona wî ya civakî ya eşîrî ya xwedînifûz karê wî hêsantir kiriye ku karibe cureyekî wêjeyî ya nû, roman binivîsîne. Pozisyona girîng û bilind a Adîle xanimê, ku ji aliyê îngilîzan ve wek “şahbanûya bêtac” û “Xan Bahadir”[49] dihate binavkirin, dikir ku efserên payebilind ên brîtanî her tim li dîwana wê bin. Xuya ye hebûna efserên brîtanî û bi taybetî ya Serdar Soane ya li dîwana Adîle xanimê rê li ber hin temasên di navbera wî û Ehmed Muxtarê ciwan de vekiriye. A din, Ehmed Muxtar, ji ber pozisyona xwe ya demekê wek qaymeqamê Helebceyê, bi çendîn efserên brîtanî yên li herêmê pêwendiyên wî çêdibûn. Edmonds qala çend hevdîtinên bi vî rengî dike. Qal dike ku Soane xwe wek katibê faris û tucar dide naskirin. Piştre dibe katibê Adîle xanimê yê farisî.[50] Dikare bê texmînkirin ku di navbera Soane û malbata Caf de, bi taybetî Ehmedê ciwan û biqabiliyet re, hin nîqaşên derbarê cureyên ewropî yên nûjen de çêdibûn. Di Meseley Wijdan de referansên zelal ên derbarê şaristaniya ewropî de nîşan dide ku Ehmed Muxtar ji moderniteya civakên ewropî û serkeftinên wan haydar bû.

[1] Dîtinên Ian Watt ên derbarê takekesî û hilatina romanê di vê berhema asoveker de dikare bê dîtin: The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding, London: The Hogarth Press, 1995. Têgeha Michael Foucault’ a daxwaza zanabûnê di piraniya berhemên wî de derbas dibe, bi taybetî: The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, wer. Robert Hurley, New York: Vintage Books, 1990.

[2] Lodge, David, Consciousness and the Novel: Connected Essays, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2002, x.

[3] Hawthorn, Jeremy, Studying the Novel, sixth edition, London & New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2010, 232.

[4] B.n.b., r. 4.

[5] Rexnegiriya heyî ya derheqê berhemên honakî yên kurdî de bi tu awayî tixûbên rexnegiriya wêjeyî ya kevneşopî, ku tenê li meqseda nivîskar digere, derbas nake. Komeke rexneyên kevneşopî di vir de peyda dibin: Hama Sharif Azad (ed.), Jamil Saibiy Shakarnus [Nivîskarê hoste Cemîl Saîb], Hewlêr: Mukiryanî, 2012.

[6] Ji bo hilatin û geşbûna romana kurdî bnr. Ahmedzade, Haşim, Nation and Novel: A Study of Persian and Kurdish Narrative Discourse. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Uppsaliensis, 2003.

[7] Denise, Natali, The Kurds and the State: Evolving National Identity in Iraq, Turkey and Iran, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005, r. 25.

[8] Hawthorn, b.n.b., r. 38.

[9] Ji bo bêtir agahî derbarê taybetmendiyên babetî û şêwazî yên romana kurdî û guherînên wê bnr.: “Stylistic and thematic changes in the Kurdish novel”’, di nav Inga Brandell (ed.), Change and Continuity in the Middle East, li ber çapê ye 2015.

[10] Ji bo şopên bedewletbûnê di romana kurdî de, bnr. Haşim Ahmadzade, “Longing for State in the Kurdish Narrative Discourse,” di nav Annika Rabo û Bo Utas(ed.), The Role of the State in West Asia, Istanbul: Swedish Istitute, 2005, rr. 63–76.

[11] Showalter,Elaine,ALiteratureofTheirOwn:FromCharlotteBrontetoDorisLessing.Çapa yekem a bêcild. London: Virago, 1999.

[12] McDowall, D., A Modern History of the Kurds, London: I. B. Tauris, 1997, 9. Xi.

[13] B.n.b., r. 117.

[14] Jwaideh, W. The Kurdish Nationalist Movement: Its Origins and Development, New York: Syracuse University Press, 2006, r. 131.

[15] Khwaja,Ahmad,Chimdi:ShorshakaniShekhMahmud,Çapaduyem,Hawler:Aras,2013,r. 213.

[16] Khwaja 2013, rr. 130-131.

[17] Baban, Jamal, ‘Peshaki’ in Jamil Saib, La Khawma, Hawler: Aras, 2008, r. 28.

[18] Saib, r. 67.

[19] Saib, jamil, Le Xewma, amadekar Jamal Baban, Hewlêr: Aras, 2008, r. 72.

[20] B.n.b., r. 76.

[21] B.n.b., r. 78.

[22] B.n.b., r. 48.

[23] B.n.b., r. 59.

[24] Hilmi, Rafiq, Yaddasht: Kurdistani Eraq u Shorshakani Shekh Mahmud [Nîşe:Kurdistana Iraqê û şoreşên Şêx Mehmûd], Cilda yekem, Bexda: Maarif, 1956, r. 67.

[25] B.n.b., r. 64.

[26] Derbarê vê serdemê de nispeten malzemeyên honakî yên dewlemend ku ji aliyê nivîskarên kurd hatine nivîsandin, hene, mînak, Emîn Zekî Beg, Refîq Hilmî, Pîremêrd, û Rasul Hawar. Nivîsên efserên brîtanî yên li herêmê, mînak E.B. Soane, û J.C. Edmonds jî ji bo serdema Şêx Mehmûd û nerîna wan a kolonyal çavkaniyên girîng in.

[27] Saib, b.n.b., r. 58.

[28] Khwaja,Ahmad,ChimDi:ShorishakaniShekhMahmudiMazin,Hewlêr:Aras,2013,rr.79- 80.

[29] Saîb, b.n.b., 81.

[30] Hawar, M. R., Shekh Mahmudi Qaraman u Dawlatakay Khwaruy Kurdistan [Qehreman Şêx Mehmûd û Dewleta Başûr a Kurdistanê], Cild 1, London: Jaf Press, r. 206.

[31] Subhan, Kamran, ‘Ahmad Mukhtar Jaf: She’reki terorkirw’ Bas, No. 230, 17/3/2015, r. 9.

[32] Caf, Ehmed, Muxtar, Meseley Wijdan: Çon Bûm ba Xanadan, nasandin û analîz Ihsan Fuad, Hewlêr: Aras, r. 15.

[33] Delanty Gerard û O’Mahong Patrick, Nationalism and Social Theory, London: Sage, 2002, r. 15.

[34] Caf, b.n.b., r. 16.

[35] B.n.b., r. 54.

[36] B.n.b., r. 26.

[37] B.n.b., r. 9

[38] B.n.b., r. 47.

[39] B.n.b., r. 21.

[40] B.n.b., rr. 22-23

[41] Karekîberbelavbûûliberderiyêsaziyênfermîbinispetpereyekêbaşjêdihat,taybetîliber dadgehan, ku mirovên xwedîperwerde ji bo kesên dozdar daxwazname dinivîsandin.

[42] Caf, b.n.b., r. 32.

[43] Caf, b.n.b, r. 34.

[44] Delanty Gerard û O’Mahong Patrick, b.n.b., r. 15.

[45] Caf, b.n.b., rr. 38-39.

[46]

[47] B.n.b., r. 34.

[48] Pîremêrd Kemançezan ji tirkî wergerandiye bo kurdî. Di danasîna wergerê de behs dike ku beriya ku di sala 1925an de ji Stenbolê vegere Silêmaniyê çawa ev pirtûk nas kiriye. Beşên ewil ên pirtûkê ku beş bi beş rojnameyeke tirkî de hatiye weşandin, dixwîne. Temama pirtûkê di sala 1942an de werdigerîne. Bnr., Pîremêrd, Kemançezan, Hewlêr: Aras, 2012, rr. 7-8. Li gor Omed Aşna di sala 1970ê de, dema çapeke nû ya vê romanê derketiye, diyar bûye ku ev roman di eslê xwe de aidî nivîskarê holendî Hans Christen Andersen e. Berê dihate zenkirin ku, ji aliyê wergêrê wê jî, ev di eslê xwe berhemeke almanî ye. Bnr. Aşna, Omed, Piramerd û Pedachunawayaki Nwey Zhiyan u Barhamakani, Hewlêr: Aras, 2001, r. 61.

[49] Bruinessenvan,Martin,‘FromAdelaKhanumtoLeylaZana:WomenasPoliticalLeadersin Kurdish History’, di nav Mojab, Shahrezad (ed.), Women of a non-State Nation: The Kurds, Costa Mesa: Mazda, 2001, r. 97.

[50] Edmonds, C. J, Kurds, Turks and Arabs: Politics, Travel and Research in North-Eastern Iraq, 1919-1925, London: Oxford University Press, 1957, rr. 149, 341.

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